Thứ Năm, 24 tháng 1, 2019

News on Youtube Jan 24 2019

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I'm headed to the densest place in the United States and, unsurprisingly, it's the kind of place you can use a metro to get to.

You'd think that the densest place in the United States would be somewhere like New York City or Manhattan.

But it's actually a suburban community in Maryland, just outside of DC.

The place is called Friendship Village, Maryland, and it's a pretty standard mid-rise suburban community.

So, how did it become more dense than Manhattan? The answer lies within a quirk of US Census geography.

So whether you're an aspiring planner or somebody who wants to learn more about the Census, stick with me and

we'll figure out how Friendship Village became number one in density.

The quirk is that Friendship Village perfectly illustrates

the importance of where boundaries are drawn and how people are counted here in the United States.

That's the business of the US Census Bureau. The work the US Census does has a major impact on how federal programs are funded,

how communities plan for the future, and how researchers understand how places grow and change. So, we're at the point in the video

where we're going to be talking about census boundaries, which I know can be a little bit dry.

So let's go inside where it's warm and discuss it over some pizza.

Okay, we should probably start at the smallest unit of the Census: the household. When a household fills out and sends in their Census form

the census processes it and uses the address to geocode it (or map it in space).

Researchers and planners don't have access to this level of detail as it would be a pretty huge breach of privacy.

So instead the data is aggregated at different geographies.

If you've heard of one Census geography

it's probably the Census tract. For this demonstration, a census tract is a pizza.

A Census tract typically has about 4,000 people in it. In rural areas census tracts may be large, while in urban areas

they may be much smaller. The Census tries hard not to change the boundary of Census tracts

so researchers can track the population and demographic changes clearly. Within census tracts are Census blocks.

They are the smallest level of geography you can get basic statistical information from, such as total

population by age, sex, and race. In this example, they are pizza slices.

These are often literally a city block and there's no specific population target for them.

In fact,

some census blocks contain no people. But they are the basic building blocks for Census tracts,

as well as our next level: block groups. Block groups are just that—a group of blocks.

Imagine them as pizza slices on plates. Note that you can't have slices from two different pizzas on one plate.

Black groups have to be formed from the blocks of the same Census tract. Tracts, block groups, and blocks are the primary

statistical boundaries the Census uses, but they also provide data for your typical geographic boundaries, such as cities, counties,

metropolitan statistical areas, and states.

They also provide population statistics for Congressional districts to fulfill their Constitutional mandate.

The Census counts people every 10 years to apportion congressional districts of more or less equal size as congressional district populations fluctuate.

New boundaries need to be drawn to even out the population again.

That's where we get gerrymandering, where those new boundaries are drawn with the intent to benefit one political party over the other.

Okay, so we know all about Census boundaries. We know that the Census counts people every 10 years to fulfill its Constitutional

mandate, but did you know that the census surveys people continuously and releases that data yearly?

This is called the American Community Survey, a different thing than the decennial Census.

The decennial Census has to count everyone, while the ACS, as it's called,

uses sampling techniques to produce estimates instead of final totals.

So if you're one of the three and a half million households to get an ACS survey each year,

you're required by law to fill it out and return it. A few years ago

I got one and was super excited to fill it out.

I was so excited because of how useful ACS data is to planners and researchers. The survey asks questions about

demographics, housing, employment, commuting, and educational attainment.

It's an excellent tool for understanding exactly who lives in a particular area and how those places are changing over time.

To give you an idea of how ACS data can be used,

I'll give you some examples of how I've used it in the past as a city planner.

I used ACS data to get population data at the block level to populate a traffic model. As a researcher,

I've used demographic data to choose case study neighborhoods that match my income and ethnic criteria.

I've used household and employment data for the state of California to help develop a model that can predict the number of pedestrians at

Intersections. And it's not just me. The Federal government relies on

ACS data to divide up hundreds of billions of dollars to communities for federal programs. It's very very very useful!

ACS data is published every year in two forms:

The first one is one-year estimates for geographies larger than 65,000 people, typically cities, metro areas, and states.

The second is 5-year estimates, which summarizes data collected from the previous five years.

This information is available at the block group level.

Remember that the block level is too small for this kind of information to be used without possible privacy issues.

Okay, so I've talked a lot about the Census in this video without answering the big question:

Why is Friendship Village the densest place in the US? And the answer is because it's a different type of Census boundary called a census-designated

place. The Census, unsurprisingly, has a pretty good definition of a Census-designated place:

"Census-designated places are communities that lack separate governments, but otherwise resemble incorporated places.

They are settled population centers with a defined residential core, a relatively high population density, and a degree of local identity."

So I'm back in Friendship Village!

Basically, Census-designated places are like cities and towns,

but they don't have their own governments. Tens of millions of people live in Census-designated places,

so it makes sense for the Census, in concert with local officials, to define the boundaries and count people in these areas.

Friendship Village definitely has its own identity though. It doesn't have its own government. What makes it special is its size. It has

4,500 people living in an area of 0.06 square miles. It's tiny and it has nearly 3,000 households.

There are certainly small areas in Manhattan that have a higher residential density, but they aren't separate Census-designated places like Friendship Village.

Friendship Village isn't the only Census anomaly like this.

The densest Census tract is just one high-rise apartment in Chicago with an insane density of over

500,000 people per square mile! Now, I know that a video about the Census isn't very flashy.

But the information that Census provides is crucial to anyone who plans or researches cities.

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Thanks for watching, CC folks!

For more infomation >> Where is the densest place in the United States? - Duration: 7:20.

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Why is the United States Ghosting the United Nations? - Duration: 4:01.

Created to maintain international peace and security

and protect human rights,

The United Nations.

It employs a network of independent experts

who act as global watchdogs

and protect the rights of the most vulnerable.

They are, special rapporteurs.

Okay, the UN isn't SHIELD and special rapporteurs

are not the avengers.

They are independent experts who investigate

on behalf the UN's Human Rights Council

and, while they aren't superheroes,

they do have pretty heroic track record

of advancing human rights.

Their success is due largely to the fact that

even countries with problematic human rights records

don't want to be considered rogue regimes by the UN,

so they grudgingly cooperate.

There's only been a tiny minority of uncooperative states.

Iran, North Korea and, as of May 7th, 2018,

The United States.

Yeah, the State Department hasn't responded to the last

13 official complaints from UN special rapporteurs.

Woof, talk about being left on read.

Additionally, Trump hasn't invited the UN

for any kind of standard visit.

Two UN experts have made official visits

under his watch but they were invited by Obama.

While US prisons and Guantanamo have always been

off-limits from UN investigations,

in general, Washington has always welcomed

the UN into the US as part of a wider commitment

to upholding international norms.

So, just put another tick in the "this is not normal" box.

Okay, cool.

What have these complaint been about?

Family separations at the border.

Violence against LGBTQ individuals.

But mostly, poverty and economic inequality

in the United States.

Coincidentally, the start of this silent treatment

coincided with a UN publication

of some pretty dismal findings about

extreme poverty in The United States,

including that inequality in America

is the most glaring in the western world

and that the Trump administration is pushing

policies that aggravate levels of inequality.

Please see...

- ...to reconsider this late upon the the table!

- And well, that didn't go over too well.

After the report came out, the US pulled out

of the Human Rights Council and Nikki Haley

responded with, "It is patently ridiculous

"for the United Nations to examine poverty in America.

"There is no question that poverty in America

"remains a serious concern but it does no one any good

"to inaccurately describe its prevalence or its causes."

I don't know if she's that southern,

but she's a little southern, right?

Now, we don't know if the decision to ghost

the UN monitors was directly related to this spat

over the report and the state department has yet

to explain why it's no longer responding,

and there are plenty of valid criticisms

of the UN and the Human Rights Council.

But, if it's gonna work, no country, however wealthy

or powerful, should be beyond the reach

of human rights law, right?

If the US is just gonna take its ball and go home

whenever it hears something it doesn't like

- Screw you guys, I'm going home!

- Aren't we subsequently taking pressure off

of other countries that feel like they need to comply

with these same types of requests?

If the US isn't serious about honoring

human rights obligations, what's to stop

everyone else from following suit?

Because not only is the UN and these special rapporteurs

not super heroes, their power is basically

just condemning a country in order to politically

embarrass them into compliance.

As Margaret Huang, executive director

of Amnesty International said,

"The U.N. is like your conscience.

"It can't make you do the right thing, but it can

"help you make the right decision."

And as Kristin Brey said right now,

it seems like the UN is also like Tinkerbell.

If people don't metaphorically clap to show

that they believe, it might just end up dying.

I'm Kristin Brey and thanks for watching Below The Fold.

Please like, comment and share to spread

more awareness about this issue, and you can subscribe

for weekly videos like this at www.belowthefold.co .

"It is patently ridiculous for the United Nations

to examine poverty in America."

For more infomation >> Why is the United States Ghosting the United Nations? - Duration: 4:01.

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Secretary Pompeo Gives Remarks at the Organization of American States - Duration: 6:35.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you very much.

The United States is a friend of Venezuela and of the Venezuelan people.

We have watched Venezuelans suffer for far too long.

We know what they know, that the tyranny of the now defunct Maduro regime has far too

long – for far too long choked the country and its citizens.

Yesterday, in solidarity with the Venezuelan people, and out of respect for Venezuelan

democracy, the United States proudly recognized National Assembly President Juan Guaido as

the interim president of Venezuela.

You've seen the statements from President Trump and from myself.

Many other countries, including a number of OAS states, have also recognized the interim

president.

We thank them for their support.

It's now time for the OAS as an institution as a whole to do the same.

All OAS member states must align themselves with democracy and respect for the rule of

law.

All member states who have committed to uphold the Inter-American Democratic Charter must

now recognize the interim president.

The time for debate is done.

The regime of former president Nicolas Maduro is illegitimate.

His regime is morally bankrupt, it's economically incompetent, and it is profoundly corrupt.

It is undemocratic to the core.

I repeat: The regime of former president Nicolas Maduro is illegitimate.

We, therefore, consider all of its declarations and actions illegitimate and invalid.

In light of these facts, we call on Venezuelan security forces to ensure the protection of

interim President Guaido's physical integrity and his safety.

We've seen reports that a number of protesters were killed yesterday and that more than one

hundred were arrested, so I reiterate our warning about any decision by remnant elements

of the Maduro regime to use violence to repress the peaceful democratic transition.

The United States did not arrive at this conclusion overnight.

We came to this conclusion after a long and bitter experience and following a considered

assessment of the facts.

And we're not alone.

The OAS General Assembly has itself agreed to these facts.

In June of last year, the OAS General Assembly declared the re-election of former president

Maduro an invalid sham.

This past January 10th, the OAS Permanent Council declared former president Maduro's

second term illegitimate.

Venezuela's National Assembly became the only legitimate, duly and democratically elected

body in the country.

On January 23rd, National Assembly President Juan Guaido declared himself the interim president

of Venezuela, pursuant to Article 333 and 350 of Venezuela's constitution.

He made this declaration with the full support of the National Assembly and, most importantly,

of the Venezuelan people.

In his public address, interim President Guaido also outlined the steps he plans to take to

restore democracy to his country, including free, fair, transparent, and truly democratic

elections.

The United States stands solidly behind him.

We stand ready to support the efforts of the National Assembly, the Venezuelan people,

and the interim president to restore democracy and respect for the rule of law in Venezuela.

We also stand ready to provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Venezuela as soon

as logistically possible.

Today, I am announcing that the United States is ready to provide more than $20 million

in humanitarian assistance to the people of Venezuela.

These funds are to help them cope with the severe food and medicine shortages and other

dire impacts of their country's political and economic crisis.

Our announcement of aid is in response to a request from the National Assembly, led

by the interim president.

As a friend of the Venezuelan people, we stand ready to help them even more, to help them

begin the process of rebuilding their country and their economy from the destruction wrought

by the criminally incompetent and illegitimate Maduro regime.

Our support for Venezuela's democratic hopes and dreams is in sharp contrast to the authoritarian

regimes across the globe who have lined up to prop up former President Maduro.

And there is no regime which has aided and abetted Maduro's tyranny like the one in

Havana.

Maduro's illegitimate rule was for years sustained by an influx of Cuban security and

intelligence officials.

They schooled Venezuela's secret police in the dark arts of torture, repression, and

citizen control.

Maduro was a fine student at the Cuban academy of oppression.

We call on the OAS and all its member states to act on basic, decent, democratic principles

and the incontrovertible facts on the ground.

Each of us – each of us – must live up to our calling to promote and defend democracy,

as expressed in the tenets of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, to which everyone in this

chamber is a signatory.

And we call on all our partners and responsible OAS member states to show leadership and pledge

support for Venezuela's democratic transition and for interim President Guaido's pivotal

role in that.

We look forward to welcoming Venezuela back into the fold of responsible democratic nations

and remaining in our inter-American community.

We look forward to welcoming representation of the interim Venezuelan Government to the

OAS at the earliest possible opportunity.

And we look forward to working with all responsible OAS member states, with the Venezuelan people,

our inter-American system, and with the interim government of President Guaido to restore

democracy in Venezuela.

We – we each – have a critical opportunity to help the Venezuelan people live free once

again.

I ask my colleagues to reconvene a meeting of foreign ministers to continue our conversation

on the peaceful democratic transition for Venezuela.

History will remember whether we help them or not.

The United States calls on all nations of the OAS to make the right choice and make

that right choice right now.

Thank you.

For more infomation >> Secretary Pompeo Gives Remarks at the Organization of American States - Duration: 6:35.

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The Largest Cities In The United States - Duration: 1:59.

EXO PICTURES - The Largest Cities In The United States

For more infomation >> The Largest Cities In The United States - Duration: 1:59.

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Loophole of Freedom: Mass Incarceration in the United States - Duration: 15:14.

♪ [opening music] ♪

>> Harrison Ungert: [microphone creaks] Hello.

Good evening. My name is Harrison Ungert and I represent

Ms. Pisano's - one of Ms. Pisano's LANG 120 class.

Yeah and today I'll be talking on mass incarceration

in the United States.

So, I'd like to start off by explaining you a little bit

about how this project came around.

Why I began to research mass incarceration.

Earlier in the semester, Ms. Pisano's class went to the

Burton Street Peace Garden, which is located

in West Asheville.

And it started in 2003 together with DeWayne Barton,

who we had the pleasure of meeting,

and Safi Mahaba and this was their way of peacefully

protesting the War in Iraq and the War on Drugs

here in the United States.

I love the Peace Garden because it was able to talk about - we

were able to see this uniqueness and talk about this uniqueness

and show the human condition in a very different

and original way.

First glance, you see a lot of things like the picture on the

left where they just take toys or other objects and they

repurpose it into artwork that was left to be interpreted.

So, I saw this piece on the left of an African-American babydoll

within an old TV frame and it kind of looks like a target.

It's like a stovetop.

My interpretation or my connection was immediately

to the piece on the right who was an artist.

She worked a lot during the Civil Rights Movement.

Her name is Elizabeth Catlett and it's called Target Practice.

And this piece for me created to show how the African-American

community, or African-American citizens here in the

United States, have been a target for injustice.

So the United States has one of the highest incarceration rates

in the world and is often seen as a very brutal,

racialized, and unfair system to minority groups or people

of lesser income.

Exact numbers change from year to year,

but the number of people in prison in the US remains around

700 out of 100,000 people.

There are more people in prison now than ever before.

Even as crime rates continue to drop down.

So both the people who study crime and the people who write

policies question if the social costs of incarceration exceeds

the social benefits especially for crimes that are non-violent.

So incarceration in the US is socially concentrated among

African-Americans.

At birth an African-American male has a 1 in 3 chance

of going to prison.

By comparison, a white male at birth has less than a 5% chance

of going to prison. And that's at birth.

From arrest to prosecution to incarceration,

African-Americans are singled out for increasing policing,

from profiling to the types of crimes that are highly enforced.

And black men are often charged and prosecuted differently than

their white counterparts and often cannot afford proper

defenses as well in court.

Out of 125,000 federal inmates, 97% have been sentenced for

non-violent crimes.

Prison sentences are also higher - also longer

than seem reasonable.

So there are 1.2 or 1 in 9 African-American children born -

or 1.2 million, excuse me, or 1 in 9 African-American children

born to parents who are in prison.

So research shows that these children,

especially males, have depression -

sorry, have decreased school achievement and higher rates of

behavioral problems and depression than their peers.

These male children often return to criminal activity themselves

making incarceration an inherited trait.

So these people become social outcastes because of their time

in prison.

As social outcastes they have limited access to good jobs,

credit, education, quality healthcare and other means

of improving their lot in life unlike everyone else in society.

In fact, according to a renowned sociologist,

that goes by the name of Bruce Western,

he argues that it is not just individuals being put in a jail,

but whole social groups.

We as a nation have created a deprivation of liberty for a

group of people who in the United States have never truly

been equally represented.

So, people are jailed for non-violent crimes and sentenced

for possession of small amount of drugs.

As I previously mentioned, out of 125,000 federal inmates,

97% have been sentenced for non-violent crimes.

Prison sentences are also longer than seem reasonable.

Here are a few stats.

So one of the big ones is the War on Drugs.

For example, federal law mandates - mandates excuse me,

a maximum sentence of 5 years without parole for possessing

5 grams of crack or 3.5 ounces of heroin.

For less than 2 ounces of crack an offender can earn upwards of

10 years compared to 5 years for 500 grams of cocaine.

100 times the amount of drugs for half the sentence.

Perhaps no coincidence, but most cocaine users are white

and rich, and most crack users are minorities and poor.

This proves the claim that the War on Drugs was really just a

war on minority citizens in the US.

So, the contracting of workforce inmates in private prisons

creates the demand for more prisoners.

Money is made by the prison administrators and the corporate

stockholders who own shares of those prisons.

Companies are laying off regular workers to hire labor from

private prisons where they can pay workers a tiny fraction of

what they would normally have to pay.

So this drastically increases the profits that companies

can earn.

With the profits specifically from employing prison

labor tripling between 1980 and 1994.

In state run prisons inmates usually work for minimum wage

except in Colorado, excuse me, which allows pay as low

to $2 an hour.

In privately run prisons, the inmates can earn as little as

$0.25 per hour for a 6 hour shift or about $20 a month.

So this amounts to little more than slavery when the fact that

most of the inmates are black is considered.

It begs the question: is this just a new justified form of

human bondage?

There is historical proof that this is true.

After the Civil War during Reconstruction,

many freed slaves were charged with petty offenses,

often never proven and then forced to work in cotton fields,

mines or to build railroads.

This continued prewar traditions when slaves were hired out by

owners to the state to work on municipal projects,

excuse me.

A quote by journalist Vicky Pelaez summarizes it perfectly:

"Profits are so good now that there is a new business.

Importing inmates with long sentences after a law signed by

Clinton in 1996 caused overcrowding and violent unsafe

conditions in federal prisons.

Private prison corporations in Texas began to contract other

states where prisons were overcrowded offering

rent-to-sell services."

A strong profit motive ensures the preservation

of the current system.

So as the prison industry complex keeps growing crime is

actually decreasing but there is no correlation between the first

trend and the second.

In fact, there are so many individuals locked up in the US

that the threat of prisons has actually diminished.

The possibility of getting caught and facing prison time

does not deter crime anymore or make us any safer.

Evidence shows that a would-be criminal doesn't really think

about the possibility of prison or getting caught.

Instead of discouraging crime, prisons actually tend to support

criminal activity.

The lack of proper rehabilitation, mental

healthcare, counseling, and job training make it harder

for society to actually reassimilate these people -

reassimilate prisoners.

And so, high recidivism rates ensue.

So recidivism rates also reflect the failure of this attitude.

The National Institute of Justice reports that in the US,

67.8% of prisoners were rearrested

within 3 years of release.

Within 5 years of release, that number goes up to

76.6% of released prisoners being rearrested.

Recidivism unfortunately is met with longer and harsher

sentencing, truly creating a scenario

of revolving door justice.

In the US, political advantage is given to those who promise to

be tough on crime.

It is a perennial winning campaign strategy and it fuels

the building of prisons.

Drug addicts and the mentally ill are locked up with hardened

criminals with little to no resources to help with their

treatment or rehabilitation or to make sure they do not

reenter prison.

Prisons have been given the mandate to punish and not to

treat and corporations are making money from an increasing

number of prisoners whose rights are lost in the system and whose

voices are not deemed worthy to hear.

The point of a business is to cut costs

and improve efficiencies.

When a business is run - when a business is running a prison,

excuse me, those costs, cuts, and efficiencies squeeze the

individuals that are locked up.

There's no business advantage to teaching prisoners to lead more

socially responsible lives.

Taking steps to preserve human dignity in such a setting

is costly.

In order to fix this, we need to start valuing the human being

instead of exploiting them.

That's all I have to say. Thank you.

[applause]

Are there any questions? Yes.

>> [audience member]: Did you come across any initiatives

being taken currently to try to solve this problem?

>> Harrison: Yeah!

So as of right now, I think one of the largest ways to solve

this problem is just going out and voting,

making sure you know your candidate as well and how they

stand on privatization of prisons and stuff.

Like I said, earlier - this - a lot - it's very politically

based with privatization of prisons - private prisons have a

lot to do with lobbying and, you know,

relationships between certain states and certain people.

And a lot of companies, big companies,

use or pay, you know, to use these private prisons: Macy's,

Boeing, IBM are just some of the ones off the top of my head

that I can think.

But yeah, also that's another point: really diving deeper into

what companies use private prisons and private prison labor

can also help, and boycotting them - are just some of the few

small steps that you can take.

Any other questions? Yeah.

>> [audience member]: In your research,

how far did you look into different presidential

administrations and what impacts they had on the past

incarceration rates.

>> Harrison: So in my research I actually watched a documentary

called The Thirteenth. It's on Netflix right now.

I don't know if any of you guys know it,

but it dives way into the history of mass incarceration.

Three that I can think of right now would be the

Nixon administration, the Reagan administration,

and the Clinton - they all had a pretty big part of this idea of

the War on Drugs and putting more and more people into

prisons, militarizing our police.

There - I think Bush was also another one that - he actually

won a campaign just because he was,

you know, this War on Drugs and, you know,

harsher prison sentencing.

There's a - yeah so that's - those people have had a lot to

do - another thing is this idea of a "super predator" that the

documentary also goes way into.

Just how we portrayed African Americans in society as being

inherently dangerous and stuff like that.

So that also didn't help with us putting more and more

African Americans in a prison.

Yeah, any other questions? No?

Alright, well thank you so much for your time.

Appreciate it.

[applause]

♪ [closing music] ♪

♪ [closing music] ♪

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