Thứ Bảy, 4 tháng 8, 2018

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ROBERT COSTA: Raucous rallies, defiant tweets, and a looming showdown with the special

counsel. I'm Robert Costa. August is anything but quiet, tonight on Washington Week.

Just hours before President Trump hosted a rally in Pennsylvania, his national security

chiefs were sounding the alarm.

HOMELAND SECURITY SECRETARY KIRSTJEN NIELSEN: (From video.) Our democracy itself is in

the crosshairs. Free and fair elections are the cornerstone of our democracy, and it

has become clear that they are the target of our adversaries.

ROBERT COSTA: A stark warning from the White House: Russia used and continues to use

cyber weapons to interfere in American campaigns.

DIRECTOR OF NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE DAN COATS: (From video.) The intelligence community

continues to be concerned about the threats of upcoming U.S.

elections, both the midterms and the presidential elections of 2020.

FBI DIRECTOR CHRISTOPHER WRAY: (From video.) Make no mistake: the scope of this foreign

influence threat is both broad and deep.

ROBERT COSTA: But the messages on Russia were not in lockstep. At the Pennsylvania

rally, Mr. Trump maintained that he wants a better relationship with Vladimir Putin.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) I had a great meeting with Putin.

We discussed everything. I had a great meeting. (Cheers, applause.)

By the way, that's a good thing, not a bad thing. That's a really good thing.

ROBERT COSTA: It was the latest example of the president's singular approach.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) I have great confidence in my intelligence people,

but I will tell you that President Putin was extremely strong and powerful in his denial today.

ROBERT COSTA: And the presidential shattering of norms extended to Special Counsel

Robert Mueller and his Russia investigation.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) Now, we're being hindered by the Russian hoax.

It's a hoax, OK?

ROBERT COSTA: It all comes as his former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, goes to trial

for federal tax and bank fraud charges. We cover it all next.

ANNOUNCER: This is Washington Week. Once again, from Washington, moderator Robert Costa.

ROBERT COSTA: Good evening. The week has been revealing, showing the tensions inside

the Trump administration over Russia in the scenes that played out at the White House

and on the campaign trail. Thursday was a microcosm.

That morning top intelligence officials, including FBI Director Christopher Wray and

Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats, appeared at the White House, and they said

the upcoming midterm elections remain a target for Russia.

DIRECTOR OF NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE DAN COATS: (From video.) We acknowledge the threat.

It is real, it is continuing, and we're doing everything we can to have a legitimate

election that the American people can have trust in. In addition to that, it goes

beyond the elections. It goes to Russia's intent to undermine our democratic

values, drive a wedge between our allies, and do a number of other nefarious things.

FBI DIRECTOR CHRISTOPHER WRAY: (From video.) This threat is not going away.

As I have said consistently, Russia attempted to interfere with the last election and

continues to engage in malign influence operations to this day.

ROBERT COSTA: The president did not appear alongside them, but later Thursday rallied

his core voters in Pennsylvania. Instead, he had a great meeting - his words - with

Vladimir Putin in Helsinki and, quote, "got along really well" with the Russian president.

And he sharply criticized the Russia probe. What's next and what matters?

All this president and his advisors face mounting challenges.

Joining me for tonight's conversation, Paula Reid, White House and Justice correspondent

for CBS News; Peter Baker, chief White House correspondent for The New York Times; Andrea

Mitchell, chief foreign affairs correspondent for NBC News; and Molly Ball, national

political reporter for TIME Magazine.

Peter, when you think about a company, when it has its executive vice presidents come

out and say a statement, the market pays attention to what the CEO says.

Why does it matter if President Trump's deputies come out to the White House lectern and

have a different message, a starker message, on Russia than him?

PETER BAKER: Right. Not just the markets. People pay attention also in the Kremlin in

this case. And the message that they're hearing is, of course, this two-pronged approach.

And what matters of about this, among other things, is Vladimir Putin puts great stock in

what the leader says, what the number-one person says. That's the way he runs his country.

That's the way he presumes other people run their country. And that's the way, in fact,

Donald Trump likes to run his country. So I was in Moscow for four years. I remember

interviewing him. And when we would bring up to him criticisms of him that had been

issued by American officials underneath the president, he would just brush it off

saying: That's not what my friend George says. At the time, George W. Bush.

So he places great stock in what the president says, not on what Dan Coats says, not on

what Chris Wray says. What those people are talking to is a different audience.

They're talking to us. They're talking to people who actually cover this issue or

care about democracy issues and are worried about Russia. They're trying to say: We

actually do take this seriously. Don't pay attention to the president. But that's an

extraordinary thing for a government in which you had this bifurcated policy.

ANDREA MITCHELL: There's another issue as well.

You correctly point out - you know better than anyone how Putin sees this. But the

rest of government - bureaucracies don't move unless there's leadership from the top.

The fact is that they had their one and only meeting at the, you know, presidential level

last Friday, just a week ago, and it was less than an hour devoted to the whole issue of

Russia and its attack on the election, and its continuing attack.

And that was two to three weeks after Dan Coats had warned publicly at the Hudson

Institute that the red lights were blinking and it was the, you know, most important,

urgent warning since the 9/11 pre-warnings about terror, in the area of cyberspace.

We've been told that the Senate Intelligence Committee has been told that in fact they

are - the Russians are into our electric grid, they're into our infrastructure, to say

nothing of the propaganda, the false and malign information that was outlined, at least

alleged, in the Mueller indictments. So the fact that the president has not led a

meeting or signaled the importance of this - and keeps denying it out on the campaign

trail and contradicting them - is sending a signal it doesn't matter.

And until he shows that it matters to him, it's not going to get fixed.

ROBERT COSTA: It wasn't just the president there, Paula.

Where was Attorney General Jeff Sessions?

PAULA REID: That's a great question. And under the previous administrations, the

National Security Division at the Justice Department would be actively involved in this.

But from the outset, from the time Attorney General Sessions took over - I had asked

sources within the National Security Division and it was clear - Russia was not a

priority. Then, he had to, of course, recuse himself from the ongoing Russia probe.

Then Rod Rosenstein handed it off to the special counsel.

So right now, it really seems like a lot of the leadership is either Mueller

investigating, and handing it off to Rod Rosenstein to sort of prosecute anything that

they find, or the FBI. That's why you saw the FBI chief there. But, yeah, Attorney

General Jeff Sessions, I have not seen any leadership on his part on this issue.

ROBERT COSTA: So, wait, where is the FBI in looking at what's happening with Russian

interference this year, in the next few months?

PAULA REID: Well, the FBI director came out and he talked specifically about these two -

these sort of two different levels, that we all kind of know about. This was nothing

new, right? There's the disinformation campaign, and then there are the physical

intrusions - the attempt to either break into voting machines or, more likely,

voter databases. He said, we're looking at that. But also, interestingly, he also

said that they are investigating possible campaign finance violations. And that's

something new and I think something - definitely a thread we want to keep pulling on.

ROBERT COSTA: Is this the traditional Republican Party who's inside of this

administration, like Senator Coats, who's now Director Coats, just rearing its head

inside and saying: Well, the president may have one different view, but we're just going

to continue to articulate our own?

MOLLY BALL: In a way, that is what it is, or some might even call it the deep state.

Or the - but, you know, the moderate Republican Party really was built on the Cold War

and opposition to the Soviet empire. And so there is very deep antagonism to Russia and

to this foreign - long-time foreign adversary within the Russia hawks of the Republican

Party. People like John Bolton. But also, you know, people like Dan Coats, others in

the intelligence and national security apparatus. It's not ideological.

It's based on what's actually happening. It's based on what they're seeing happen.

And what I think this week brought into such sharp relief is up till now I think we have

tended to think of the Russia probe as a mostly retrospective affair, looking back on

2016, looking back on what was already done.

This is something - this week really showed that this is - how intensely ongoing this is,

with also the Facebook announcement that they are actively investigating this.

And it was also telling that it was Facebook that was self-policing on that.

It wasn't the authorities that were coming forward in the first place to say: Here is

what we're finding, this disinformation that's coming out right now.

So I think, you know, if what Trump - if Trump's strategy has been to cozy up to Putin

to defuse the antagonism between the United States and Russia, I think what this shows is

that it has not at all called off the dogs, and Russia's attacks are continuing.

ANDREA MITCHELL: And there was one really important signal in that briefing.

General Nakasone, who heads the Cyber Command and also the National Security Agency, he

suggested that they are ready to go on offense against Russia, against any adversaries.

And there are some signals that that may - that order, which has to come from the

president and hadn't been done yet, we're told - that might be coming.

ROBERT COSTA: Is this a strategy, Peter, from the president? Or is it an emotional

response, when he takes this different tack than his own - his own administration?

PETER BAKER: You know, or a year and a half now we've been asking that question on so

many topics when it comes to this president: Is it a strategy or is it, like, impulse

control issues? And it's really hard to actually pin it down.

I think we tend to look for strategy - (laughs) - more often than perhaps it might exist.

ROBERT COSTA: Well, what would the strategy be, if there was one here?

PETER BAKER: Well, look, you know, it's not - it wouldn't be the first president who

tried to keep things at a reasonable level, leader to leader, while you allow your

government to take actions to counter an adversary. I mean, certainly George W.

Bush and Barack Obama weren't wagging their fingers in Putin's face.

They - and particularly Bush early on when he had great hope for making Putin more of an

ally - they would state their differences, but they would say it politely and they

wouldn't - you know, they weren't openly confrontational, per se. That's changed over

time, as Putin has become clearer and clearer as an adversary. So that's not

necessarily new. What's different is that Trump doesn't go just politely to Putin.

He seems to be catering toward him. He seems to be kowtowing at times to him.

That's certainly what a lot of Republicans think, anyway. And that seems, to a lot

of people, to be curious. Why is that? Why would you go so over the top in

flattering a guy who's clearly out to, you know, sabotage American democracy?

ROBERT COSTA: So one of the reasons this all happened, Molly, is because the president

has his cloud, he calls it, the cloud of the Russia investigation hanging over him.

And he took some new steps this week. He tweeted earlier - a few days ago.

This is, quote, "a terrible situation and Attorney General Jeff Sessions should stop this

Rigged Witch Hunt right now, before it continues to stain our country any further." Yet,

as the president tweets, his lawyers, such as former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani, are

engaged in negotiations with Special Counsel Robert Mueller about a presidential sit-down.

RUDY GIULIANI (attorney for President Trump): (From video.) I'm not going to give you a

lot of hope it's going to happen, but we're still negotiating.

ROBERT COSTA: We've been here for weeks now, with Giuliani pushing the deadline up on

this decision about an interview. But you think about the president right now. He's facing

this question over an interview. He's facing all these different challenges on the

Russia probe. How is that influencing what's happening on Russia?

MOLLY BALL: Well, I think it's always been obvious that the crux of this, for the

president, is his own feeling of victimization, and the idea that this is, as he calls

it, a rigged witch hunt. But it is all directed at him. The investigation isn't

actually of him. It is an investigation of Russian meddling in the 2016 election.

Whether or not that comes to involve him - and as his defenders always point out it has

not yet directly implicated him. And yet, he takes everything personally.

This is one of his chief personality characteristics, I think you should - you could say.

And so he sees everything through the prism of himself being targeted.

I think there is - suppose it is the case that Trump is completely innocent of

absolutely anything having to do with anything Russia, anything in 2016, and this - and

when he refers to a cloud, he's just saying these suspicions, these unfounded suspicions,

have made it difficult for him to operate as president, to do his job, to govern, to

create normal relations with all kinds of different countries, because of this suspicion.

And so that is the case that his defenders would make. Nonetheless, the continued - I

think any lawyer would tell their client in this situation: Don't keep talking about the

investigation. Don't keep - especially when you are, you know, the boss of these people,

don't put pressure on them like this. Even if you don't actually mean that

as a directive to stop the investigation, it looks that way.

PETER BAKER: Well, if - and we saw recently reports that Mueller is looking at previous

tweets and statements as perhaps adding up to a pattern that could amount to obstruction

of justice. President Trump just handed him one more piece of evidence. If that's in fact

a case he's building, he's building it with one more brick thanks to the president this week.

ROBERT COSTA: Paula, you've studied his depositions - the president's depositions when

he was a businessman. Does he change his style from the President Trump we know

when he actually sits down for these sorts of interviews?

PAULA REID: Absolutely. He is the consummate executive. He's been through this a lot.

It is interesting to read his depositions or listen to them because he understood the

game. He deferred to his attorneys, his answers were very tight, he demonstrated a

very nuanced understanding of his business, and there wasn't a lot of emotion.

So you watch this back and forth between him and his lawyers.

He says I would love to testify; his lawyers go, oh, I don't know if that's such a good

idea for you to sit down for an interview.

ROBERT COSTA: So maybe he will testify at this point.

PAULA REID: Maybe he will. But if he truly believes in sort of a very expansive

definition of executive power and he truly believes that he did nothing wrong and

he will stick to the truth, there may not be as much risk as his attorneys believe.

But he is exposed on obstruction of justice and potentially lying, as anyone would be.

ANDREA MITCHELL: And the exposure also, the meeting in Trump Tower with him just one

floor away, the proximity with his son Don Jr., just all of the patterns of behavior, the

memo that he was involved in authoring, and all of the other witnesses that have been collected,

you have to believe that Mueller has been collecting a lot of evidence to that matter.

ROBERT COSTA: When are we going to hear - when are we going to hear more about it,

Andrea? When is this report going to be issued?

It is going to be - come before the election or after the election?

ANDREA MITCHELL: Well, I think it has to come, something.

There's a lot of pressure for Mueller to deliver this month, in fact, or shortly after

Labor Day, because there's a lot of practice - and certainly it was reinforced by the

inspector general report against what Comey did to Hillary Clinton - that there should be

a blackout period of anything involving election cases. And so he would be reporting to

Rod Rosenstein, the deputy AG, who would then be deciding what to release and what not.

There could be an unindicted co-conspirator. There could be, you know, any manner of

reports that come out of this, but something. And it could be a partial report.

PAULA REID: I would be surprised if we get a report this month because the special

counsel's office continues to exist through any prosecution, and we know Manafort has

trial number two in September. You take that through any appeals. It would be surprising

to me if he releases a report. I don't know that he necessarily feels the pressure about

the midterms. And then Rosenstein has this decision to make.

He has to decide: Do I make this public and fall into the exact same situation that Comey

fell into, or do I hand it off to Congress, let them decide, or do I put it in a drawer?

ROBERT COSTA: Talking about the pressure of the midterms, when you think about what Bob

Mueller's facing right now, he has - he has the timing issue, but so does President Trump

have the pressure of the midterms on his shoulders. Is that the reason the president

hasn't actually pulled the trigger and fired Mueller or fired Rosenstein, because he's

hearing from his own party that it would be a political disaster for the GOP if it

actually went over the line - that they're OK with his tweets to a point?

MOLLY BALL: That may be part of it. I think he does heed the warnings that it would

be a political disaster for him personally. I think he is less concerned, frankly,

about the fortunes of other politicians. He's mostly concerned about himself.

And even with the midterms, what we've heard from our reporting is he's concerned with

Republicans losing the House and Senate only to the extent that it may impede his agenda,

his ability to get things done, or his ability to not be buried in investigations by a

Democratic Congress.

So he's concerned primarily, I think, with his own room to maneuver, but he has heard

from a lot of people - and I think it's true - that firing Mueller would be a red line

that a lot of Republicans, especially in the Senate, would actually get up and do

something about. Now, they haven't yet, and they've had plenty of opportunities. Who knows?

ROBERT COSTA: They certainly have not yet.

But inside the White House, Peter, quick, is John Kelly, who just announced on Monday

he's going to stay through 2020 - we'll see if that happens, but he says he will - is he

the one pulling the president back from going after Rosenstein or Mueller?

PETER BAKER: No, I think actually - I think Molly's right about this.

I think, you know, he has crossed every line that other presidents would have respected

when it comes to this kind of thing, when it comes to the independence of the law

enforcement apparatus, but that is one line he has stayed on the wrong - this side of

because he does see it as potentially dangerous to himself, because he does see that as

being a backlash that he has been told that would be even worse after he fired Jim Comey.

ROBERT COSTA: Let's turn to the Manafort trial, which began at a federal courthouse in

Alexandria, Virginia, this week. Paul Manafort, the former Trump campaign chairman and

longtime lobbyist, is facing tax and bank fraud charges. His international wire

transfers are being scrutinized by prosecutors. Paula has been in the courtroom all

week, where they don't allow cameras or computers, just notebooks - old school.

Where is the prosecution going right now with this?

PAULA REID: Their theory of the case is that Manafort made tens of millions of dollars

lobbying on behalf of Ukrainian officials, but instead of having his paycheck sent to one

of his six or seven homes they went to offshore accounts. And then, the prosecutors

allege, that he got that money into the U.S. by laundering it through these luxury

purchases - expensive cars, homes, and this now-infamous ostrich coat. (Laughter.)

And that's their theory of the case. That's how he was trying to avoid tax reporting

requirements. So they've put - they've put on the stand vendors and they asked them,

is it - is it common for someone to pay for their ostrich coat through a wire transfer

from Cyprus. Of course, the answer is no. And then they put on his accountants,

who talked about how they didn't know about these offshore accounts.

ROBERT COSTA: So we're learning a lot about Paul Manafort, his finances, but is this really

about getting Manafort to flip and talk about President Trump, talk about the Trump campaign?

ANDREA MITCHELL: I'm not so sure because he has been resilient in refusing, especially

having been locked up and gone through all of the indignities and, you know, the trial

itself. I think this has a Russia undertone in that what they are hoping to prove is

that he was completely in debt by 2016, late 2015, after the Ukrainian Russian-backed

leader had gone into exile in Russia. He was out of money. They were broke.

And he was continuing this lavish lifestyle, he was in hock, yet he volunteered his

services to Donald Trump. So he had all these Russian connections and all these offshore

banks, and he was not being paid. How was he sustaining that, and why was he sustaining

that? And that is sort of the odor of Russia that permeates this trial as well.

ROBERT COSTA: Is he going to be pardoned? If you read a little bit into the

president's tweets this week, he's certainly showing some sympathy for Mr. Manafort.

PETER BAKER: No, he does, he does, and certainly it's possible Paul Manafort is counting

on there being a pardon and that's why he's standing strong and not flipping, not

offering anything to the special counsel if he has anything to offer.

The flipside is I'm not sure whether the pardon actually gets President Trump out of hock

if that's - if there is something there to be worried about, because if you give a pardon

to Paul Manafort - and Paula probably knows this better than I do; I'm not a lawyer - but

if you pardon Paul Manafort, then he has no - he has no ability to refuse to testify.

Then Robert Mueller can put him on the stand and say you now have to testify because

you've been pardoned. You can't claim the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination

if you don't face any criminal liability; you have to tell us about Donald Trump.

So that could be - that could backfire on the president.

ROBERT COSTA: Molly, you've been writing cover stories for TIME on Democrats this year.

Why aren't they bringing up Russia more and Paul Manafort more?

MOLLY BALL: Well, they do in the context of Capitol Hill, right?

Democrats have obviously been the most outspoken in the oversight role, particularly, you

know, Mark Warner in the Senate, Adam Schiff in the House. They are on television

networks all the time talking about this and they take it very seriously, as do many

Republicans. As a campaign issue, the conventional wisdom of both parties has been

that they're better off not talking about it.

Republicans feel that it doesn't matter to their constituents, therefore they are not

motivated to speak about it, positively or negatively I suppose.

You don't hear them defending Trump a lot on this score; they're just avoiding it.

And for Democrats there's a feeling that - I think it's two things.

I think it's, number one, that it feels like a faraway issue, not a kitchen-table matter,

not something that affects the lives of the people that they're campaigning in front of.

And, number two, that it so permeates the news that they don't have to talk about it.

If there are voters who care about, you know, the threat to American democracy, the

threat of our Russian adversary, all of the disruptive influences that are - that are

coming out of this case, they're hearing about it on cable news all the time.

Democrats who run campaigns feel that what voters might not be hearing about is any kind

of positive or policy message that Democrats might have to offer. That's what's struggling

to break through. That's what they want to be talking about on the campaign trail.

ROBERT COSTA: Going back to the courtroom, Paula, as Peter said, we are glad to have

you, a lawyer - (laughter) - as well as a reporter, here at the table.

When you're sitting there in that courtroom, you're of course watching Manafort, you're

looking at the evidence, but you're also watching Mueller's investigators.

A lot's at stake for them. The judge, T.S. Ellis in this case, has raised some questions:

Is Mueller really in his lane with his mandate? What's at stake for Mueller right now?

PAULA REID: Well, this is ultimately a referendum on the special counsel investigation.

If he is convicted, that certainly bolsters the special counsel's case.

People will say, all right, this is what they were up to; they were building this very

specific forensing - accounting case and it turned out that a jury, who looks like a jury

that pays their taxes, convicted him. But if there's an acquittal or even a partial

acquittal, that will bolster the president and his allies who want to argue that,

look, this is politically motivated; he was investigated before, he wasn't charged

because there wasn't enough evidence, he was prosecuted this time for political

reasons. So there is a lot at stake here for the special counsel team.

ROBERT COSTA: And he's fighting a public war. Well, he's quietly fighting a public

war with the president. The president's mounting a war against Mueller with all of

his tweets and his words. Where does Mueller go from here?

Is it just in the courtroom in Alexandria where he's waging his battle?

ANDREA MITCHELL: And the next court - the next case, of course, would be in district court here in

D.C. where we are. Mueller, from all reports, is absolutely zeroed in and trying to, you know,

ignore all of this noise. But the president has, especially in the last week, been really ramping up.

That tweet that you quoted on Wednesday, in fact, was the most hostile and aggressive.

It's not true, of course, that Sessions could - because he's recused - actually fire

Mueller, but it was a very threatening tweet indeed. And so there are a number of things

that could be in play. This could be the result of these behind-the-scenes negotiations.

It could be the result of the Manafort attorneys sharing information that has been now

shared with them, as the defense needs to have access to, and that could be really

frightening him that it's closing in.

ROBERT COSTA: Well, where is this Peter? The president keeps saying at his rally after rally -

Tampa, Pennsylvania - this has nothing to do with me, speaking about Paul Manafort. And to a -

PETER BAKER: And yet, he keeps bringing it up, right?

If it has nothing to do with him, why does he keep talking about it?

And, in fact, we shouldn't let it go without commenting on the fact that his comments on

an ongoing trial are another line that other presidents would never have crossed.

The few times a president ever made a comment on an existing court case they got blasted

for it and they regretted it because it was seen as putting undue influence on the part

of the chief law enforcement officer, arguably, of the country.

So the fact that he's weighing in on it makes you wonder about that.

Now, it doesn't directly relate on him, but you know, he seemed to think it does.

ROBERT COSTA: We'll leave it there. Thank you, everybody, for joining us.

Our conversation will continue online, as ever, on the Washington Week Extra.

We will talk about the president and the press. You can find that later tonight at

PBS.org/WashingtonWeek. I'm Robert Costa. Thanks for joining us.

For more infomation >> The Trump administration clashes over the Russia Probe - Duration: 25:40.

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President Donald Trump heightens attacks on the media - Duration: 11:33.

ROBERT COSTA: Hello. I'm Robert Costa. And this is the Washington Week Extra, where we

pick up online where we left off on the broadcast.

Joining me around the table, Peter Baker of The New York Times, Molly Ball of TIME

Magazine, Andrea Mitchell of NBC News, and Paula Reid of CBS News.

The relationship between the White House and press is often fraught, and under President

Trump it has become especially heated.

There was an uptick in his verbal attacks on journalists this week, first at a rally in

Florida when members of a crowd yelled a reporter from CNN. Sarah Huckabee Sanders,

the White House press secretary, defended the president's position.

WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY SARAH SANDERS: (From video.) We certainly support a free

press. We certainly condemn violence against anybody. But we also ask that people act

responsibly and report accurately and fairly. While we certainly support freedom of the

press, we also support freedom of speech, and we think that those things go hand in hand.

ROBERT COSTA: And President Trump went after the media again in Pennsylvania on Thursday.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) Whatever happened to fair press? Whatever

happened to honest reporting? They don't report it. They only make up stories.

But they can make anything bad because they are the fake, fake, disgusting news.

ROBERT COSTA: Strong words, to be sure.

And being a reporter means you cover the story; you're not supposed to be the story.

But at times the press is certainly thrust into political storms, and under President

Trump it's with frequency. But most reporters around town are asking: At what cost?

Andrea, when you think about that question, what is the cost to the press, to the country?

ANDREA MITCHELL: I think the cost is to democracy, really, and to public confidence in

the media, in a fact-based media. First of all, you have a president who often does

not tell the truth or misstates or exaggerates. We've catalogued that, and that is unfortunate.

His spokespeople don't seem to feel that it's important to present facts or a fact-based

report on the activities of the administration. That's a problem.

But these attacks, I think, have reached a level that is really alarming.

ROBERT COSTA: But what's different, Andrea, than Richard Nixon or Spiro Agnew or George

W. Bush having concerns about coverage in his own administration or

President Obama not liking the press and raising concerns?

ANDREA MITCHELL: Or Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton.

All of these presidents have had adversarial relationships and have been at times angry,

uncomfortable, dismissive. I've felt the brunt of their anger at times.

But the fact is they all knew that they an obligation that was baked into the

relationship, the contract, the First Amendment, to have coverage, to have news

conferences with better - with more regularity than this president does.

And the irony is that Donald Trump grew on the press, on the New York tabloid press in

particular and others, and has relationships with reporters.

You know this very well from the campaign, from your continuing conversations.

The fact is he's been more accessible in random ways, to reporters wandering out on the

North Lawn and talking to reporters for 30 minutes after a Fox News interview.

But while he's accessible in that way, they shut it down when they want to, and he does

not answer sustained questions, and you don't have follow-up questions in the briefing

room, and that is a big change.

ROBERT COSTA: Does he love the press or hate the press?

MOLLY BALL: I think it's a bad romance.

I think at this point it might even be an abusive relationship.

I think he genuinely does not like the press, but part of it is this bruised feeling that

in his tabloid days he was a player and he got - he did have a certain level of control.

He could phone in tips. He could use a false name and get them to print nasty things about

his enemies or even plant good stories about himself as if they came from somebody else.

So he's used to a type of media coverage that is based on manipulation, and I think that

that is a bad precedent for the way the White House press corps works, the way the

political press corps works, which is much more formalized, which - and which expects a

president to respect rules, respect roles, and does not allow for that kind of

behind-the-scenes manipulation.

So that's why I think you do have him going out for these random encounters with the

press, but not accepting the traditional sort of formal contexts for a president to

interface with the press and not respecting the traditional norms of, you know, a

good-faith effort to tell the truth, which has always been the expectation.

And certainly all politicians lie and presidents have been caught saying things that

weren't true, but there has been an expectation that you set out to tell the truth, and

if you get caught not telling the truth you're embarrassed and you correct it instead of

persisting and calling names.

So I think that it is partly his background has not prepared him well for this role.

ROBERT COSTA: Most presidents will go after - speaking of history - will go after the

other party. They'll say the other party is out of control, the other party is extreme.

President Trump seems to focus on the press, often more than the Democrats.

PETER BAKER: Right. Well, partly it's a reflection of the weakness of the Democrats.

Let's face it, they're not - at the moment they're kind of a leaderless party.

Who would he go after who has enough name recognition across the country to be a useful

foil? And he does like his politics to be about confrontation. He's a - he's a divider,

not a uniter, and he likes to have an enemy. He likes to have somebody to go after.

So the media is as good an enemy as anybody. You know, he whips up a crowd, it works,

it - and we are more of an adversary to him right now than the opposition party.

That may change, but he doesn't have a Hillary Clinton-type opponent to go after, so we

are a convenient foil in that regard.

ROBERT COSTA: What about when you're on the beat beyond the White House?

I know you cover the White House as well, Paula, but is - do you have the same - do you

detect from the departments the same level of animus that you detect from the White House

sometimes toward the press, or is it a different feeling on the beat?

PAULA REID: So I think when he was elected there were a lot of thought pieces - winter

is coming for journalism. And I don't know if we have any Game of Thrones fans here at

the table, but I've actually see it to be more of a chaos is a ladder kind of thing.

I mean, this is newsiest, leakiest administration in my lifetime.

And if you are sometime who is new to the industry, but you are focused on reporting and

accountability reporting, and you're willing to find sources in Treasury and the

Education Department, and all these different places that never would have made the

evening news, I mean, this has been great for you in terms of the animosity.

I remember being a one-man band traveling the country. I remember people being

incredibly hateful and threatening violence at Occupy Wall Street.

Or I'd be covering, you know, Obama in North Carolina, and I had a CBS hat on.

Somebody was really mad at something Katie Couric had done. This isn't - doesn't seem

that much - yes, the rhetoric is different, but I think the threat and the animosity

has always been there from a certain segment of the population. But now I think there

is an enormous audience who wants to know the truth, because they're clearly not

getting it from the White House. And there are incredible opportunities for reporting.

ROBERT COSTA: That's interesting.

So it's almost - it's different sometimes when you're reporting in Washington versus when

you're at that rally and the president's going right at the reporters at the rally.

PAULA REID: Yes. And I have not been in that situation.

ANDREA MITCHELL: And that is really frightening, number one, according to all of my

colleagues who've been in that setting. And the other piece of it is, I think he's

setting us not only as a foil to gin up the anger of the crowd against us.

But he's setting us up to inoculate against whatever the Mueller report is going to be.

So he's going after Mueller and he's going after the press to try to turn the public

against us so that whatever we end up reporting that comes out of this investigation,

we'll already not be believed and not be credible.

PETER BAKER: And something disturbing happened, though, about a week or so ago that took

this to a new level, which is so far, for the most part, in the year and a half he's been

in the White House the anti-press stuff has been rhetoric. And it can be scary at some

of these rallies where he's whipping a crowd that's pretty hostile. But it has been

about rhetoric. And you could make the argument that's corrosive to our reputation.

It's corrosive to a democracy, all those things. But he had not actually taken much

action within the White House to impede us from doing our jobs. Remember, Barack Obama

launched more leak investigations than all the presidents before him. We hadn't seen

tangible changes in the White House briefing room beyond the hostility that changed

what we were doing. Until about a week or so ago, when they singled out a single

CNN reporter and said: You can't come to an open press event, an event that's open to

anybody from the press, because we don't like your questions, because you asked

questions at a previous event that we thought was impertinent of you. That is a

new level that they have taken on it. That's the beginning of something.

Then what we need to watch is what's happening in the next few months.

PAULA REID: But I think one thing that came out of that - in addition to the enormous

backlash - was that a lot of people who otherwise have no idea what a pool reporter or

what a pool correspondent's job is now know, oh, that's why you yell questions and bend

over the couch and try to scream at him. So it is very interesting -

ROBERT COSTA: Explain that. Why is that?

PAULA REID: So usually one of us, depending on who the pool person is that day, the

president will have a photo op. It's your job to represent your medium - in my case

it would be television. You go in, and you're the only one who's going to have the

opportunity to ask questions and tell the other journalists what happened in that room.

And this particular reporter, she was doing her job. She was asking those questions.

And oftentimes, he answers.

ANDREA MITCHELL: He often welcomes it. PAULA REID: Yeah, he loves it.

ANDREA MITCHELL: They invite the answers. Well, you know. ROBERT COSTA: Exactly.

PAULA REID: Yeah, exactly. He'll answer. And sometimes he makes a lot of news.

And I am told, sometimes even more than some of his predecessors. So he loves it.

So the fact that they punished her for doing her job in that instance,

enormous backlash. And perhaps not the intended effect.

PETER BAKER: He wants questions. He just didn't want the questions she was asking.

PAULA REID: That day, yes, exactly.

ROBERT COSTA: Maybe the reason for the change is the new White House Deputy Chief of

Staff Bill Shine. He comes in, used to work at Fox News. He was involved with

blocking CNN's Kaitlan Collins from going to that press event. Have you heard

anything in your reporting about what Shine's up to? I mean, we know publicly the

president's talking to Rush Limbaugh, talking to Sean Hannity, talking to Bill Shine.

MOLLY BALL: He clearly - I mean, he has always had a feel for the right-wing press.

And he's always had a relationship with Bill Shine, as well as Hannity and others, that -

but I think the overriding theme of everything that Trump is doing lately is an

increasing indulgence of his instincts.

Instincts that many people around him don't support and have tried to rein him in on.

Whether you're talking about trade, whether you're talking about immigration, whether

you're talking about the way that he treats the press. These are things that - and

The Post actually had a great story on this - that he has muttered about this to

people around him for a long time. Can't we take out that person?

Can't we get them to stop? Can't we disinvite that person? Until now, there hasn't

been someone around him - to your point - who had said, OK, boss, we'll do that.

And that's what changed, perhaps, with the presence of Bill Shine, or perhaps just with a

president who seems to be increasingly sort of throwing off the restraints and just doing

what he feels, whether or not it is in line with the - sort of the norms and rules of the presidency.

ROBERT COSTA: One last thing before we go. Andrea Mitchell has an anniversary

this week. She's been covering the news for 40 years for NBC News.

Class act and it's an honor to have her on Washington Week from time to time.

Congratulations, Andrea, on all your success and your friendship for so many reporters.

ANDREA MITCHELL: Thank you. It's great to be here with this family.

ROBERT COSTA: Thank you so much, Andrea. We really appreciate it. And that's it

for this edition of the Washington Week Extra. While you're online, check out the

Washington Week podcast that looks at Paul Manafort's trial.

I'm Robert Costa. We'll see you next time.

For more infomation >> President Donald Trump heightens attacks on the media - Duration: 11:33.

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J.D. Washington Talks About Playing 'Badass' Yet 'Honest & True' Cop In 'BlacKkKlansman' | Breaking - Duration: 3:09.

John David Washington is balling out, but this time, not on 'Ballers.' He's portraying real-life cop Ron Stallworth in 'BlacKkKlansman,' & revealed to HL what it was like to play such a 'badass' character!    Spike Lee's highly-anticipated film BlacKkKlansman tells the real-life story of the first African-American detective to serve in the Colorado Springs Police Department, Ron Stallworth, and his cunning investigation to expose the Ku Klux Klan

J.D. Washington portrays Ron in Lee's film, that hits theaters on Aug. 10. At the NYC premiere, J

D. revealed to HollywoodLife what it meant to him to play this role. "It was Spike Lee setting the tone and having complete confidence in me to play this part," J

D. gushed. And it was Ron Stalworth giving me his blessing, and it was his experiment giving me his blessing

"    J.D. continued to express the gravity of Ron's story, and his gratitude to play the role

"I always felt the importance. It was so honest and true," he said. "Because of the environment that was set — such a collaborative environment and one of teamwork and camaraderie, it made it much more fluid to get that truth out of me

" Ironically, the real Ron Stallworth revealed to HollywoodLife that jokingly, he used to say he wanted Denzel Washington to play him one day in a movie — but that he was thrilled that J

D. took on the role instead!  J.D. came on the acting scene in 2015 in HBO's Ballers after deciding to quit his professional football career

However, he's definitely not a newbie. The son of Denzel Washington, J.D. watched as his father's acting career skyrocketed and cemented him as one of the best actors of all-time

After J.D.'s performance in BlackKlansman, it's clear the young Washington isn't too far behind his father

 J.D. has already won IMDb's Breakout Star of the year, and he'll be starring in the upcoming film The Old Man & the Gun alongside Robert Redford this fall

For more infomation >> J.D. Washington Talks About Playing 'Badass' Yet 'Honest & True' Cop In 'BlacKkKlansman' | Breaking - Duration: 3:09.

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El inconsolable llanto de Andy Murray en el ATP 500 de Washington - Duration: 3:01.

Las lesiones le han jugado mal al escocés Andy Murray, quien hace un par de años competía junto a Rafael Nada, Roger Federer, Novak Djokovic por el número uno de la clasificación ATP

Sin embargo, el británico tuvo que alejarse de la competencia obligado por las lesiones y actualmente aparece en el puesto 832

En julio de 2017 una lesión en la cadera, la cual requirió intervención en el quirófano, lo obligó a dejar la actividad

Regresó en junio pasado en Queens, pero perdió en su primer encuentro. Actualmente se encuentra compitiendo en el ATP 500 de Washington, donde certificó su clasificación a los Cuartos de Final después de una complicada batalla con el rumano Marius Copil (93 en la clasificación ATP), la cual finalizó 6-7, 6-3 y 7-6 después de tres horas

Al finalizar el encuentro, Murray soltó en llanto tras superar sus lesiones, reencontrarse con unos Cuartos de Final y superar un día sumamente complicado, pues su partido se fue posponiendo, de modo que terminó su actividad a las 3:00 horas, con poca afición en las tribunas (activa el audio del tuit para escuchar el llanto de Murray👇)

No es basket, pero nos emociona que un deportista ame tanto lo que hace como Andy Murray 💔 Su llanto después de ganar un partido de más de 3 horas

Su calvario de lesiones queda un poquito más atrás. pic.twitter.com/AFt6Sb0MqX "Fueron las emociones que salen al final de un día tan largo donde no sabes a qué hora vas a poder acceder a la cancha, además de tener que disputar un partido de tres horas", comentó el originario de Glasgow, en la conferencia de prensa, en la cual se quejó abiertamente de la organización

"Terminar a las tres de la mañana no es bueno. Ni para los jugadores, ni para ninguno de los operarios que estén involucrados en el campeonato, ni para la televisión y mucho menos para los espectadores

No veo razonable que los partidos se pongan a estas altas horas de la noche, y la verdad que estoy muy decepcionado por ello", indicó

Importantes estas lagrimas del tenista Andy Murray, el atleta Británico más importante del momento, mostrándonos que los hombres también lloran, que sentir y ser emocional no hace a un hombre menos macho

La igualdad es para tod@s!!!#MenosMitosMasIgualdad pic.twitter.com/zuHR041gi9 — Ángela Anzola De Toro (@AnzolaDeToro) 3 de agosto de 2018

For more infomation >> El inconsolable llanto de Andy Murray en el ATP 500 de Washington - Duration: 3:01.

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Tras su conmovedor llanto, Andy Murray anunció que se retira de Washington y que no jugará en Toront - Duration: 3:01.

(AP) Andy Murray conmovió al mundo del tenis con su sentido llanto tras avanzar a los cuartos de final del ATP 500 de Washington

Sin embargo, horas después, el escocés anunció su retiro del certamen y, además, confirmó que tampoco se presentará a jugar la próxima semana en el Masters 1000 de Toronto

"No jugaré mi partido de esta noche", anunció el ex número uno del mundo a través de un comunicado

"Estoy exhausto luego de jugar tanto en los últimos cuatro días y tras 18 meses de no competir en canchas duras", agregó

(AP) Murray, que actualmente ocupa el puesto 832 del ranking ATP, señaló que tiene que "ser cuidadoso y escuchar" a su cuerpo tras la lesión de cadera que lo mantuvo casi un año fuera del circuito

"Me llevo muchas cosas positivas de esta semana. Me tomaré un tiempo para descansar y recuperarme", indicó, al mismo tiempo que marcó su regreso para el Masters 1000 de Cincinnati, que se jugará a partir del 12 de agosto

(AP) Murray venía de vencer al rumano Marius Copil (93 del mundo) por 6-7, 6-3 y 7-6 en los octavos de final de Washington, en un partido que duró más de tres horas y terminó en la madrugada

Esta noche debía enfrentarse al australiano Alex De Miñaur (72°), que avanzó directamente a semifinales

Antes de este torneo, en el que ganó tres partidos en forma consecutiva, el escocés solo había jugado tres partidos en la temporada 2018 del circuito ATP

El nacido en Glasgow había conseguido meterse en cuartos de final de un torneo por primera vez tras más de un año (el último fue en Wimbledon 2017)

SEGUÍ LEYENDO: Andy Murray conmovió al mundo del tenis con su llanto Andy Murray, la primera baja de Wimbledon Abusos en el tenis: la denuncia de la madre de Andy Murray, ex entrenadora del equipo femenino de Gran Bretaña

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