Thứ Bảy, 24 tháng 11, 2018

News on Youtube Nov 24 2018

Vacation Home in the Tiny Tack House in Everett, Washington

For more infomation >> Vacation Home in the Tiny Tack House in Everett, Washington | Charming Small House Design - Duration: 3:33.

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More wildfire pets coming to Washington - Duration: 2:34.

For more infomation >> More wildfire pets coming to Washington - Duration: 2:34.

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FEDERAL JUDGE BLINDSIDES HILLARY – SETS WASHINGTON SWAMP ON FIRE - Duration: 10:48.

FEDERAL JUDGE BLINDSIDES HILLARY – SETS WASHINGTON SWAMP ON FIRE

The judge just turned a spotlight on Clinton's biggest crime – now she has nowhere to hide.

The Clinton's many crimes have been well documented for decades:

From Whitewater to Uranium One, they've proven that they are conniving, ruthless,

and will do anything for money.

Thus far they've been able to escape justice thanks to their connections, much to the frustration

to the American people.

Many thought Clinton's latest scandal involving her emails would finally be the nail in her

coffin, but former FBI director James Comey allowed her to escape consequences yet again.

But now, there are some determined people in Washington who are refusing to let this

case slide, and a federal judge's order has the Washington swamp in panic mode.

From The Daily Caller:

"A federal court is compelling former secretary of state Hillary Clinton to respond to further

questions — under oath — about her notorious emails.

U.S. District Court Judge Emmet Sullivan issued the ruling Wednesday in response to a lawsuit

from Judicial Watch, the conservative research and investigative group that has long had

its sights on both of the Clintons.

Judicial Watch celebrated their major win in court:

Getting the Clintons into court has taken forever, but maybe we're finally approaching

the truth.

The hard-working staff of Judicial Watch has never stopped fighting to see Clinton face

Judgment Day, and two years of lobbying the courts have finally paid off.

But Hillary Clinton seems to have nine lives … actually, she seems to have an unlimited

amount of lives and has cackled her way through every scandal she's faced.

Why should this time be any different?

Well for starters, Hillary isn't the only one being dragged into this latest suit.

The plaintiffs are trying to get to the bottom of why Huma Abedin, Clinton's close friend

and personal assistant, had access to both the State Department as well as "special

government employee" privilege, where she was able to use her status to do outside jobs

for Clinton.

Recall that Abedin's husband, Anthony Weiner, was the reason Clinton's email probe was

reopened just before the 2016 election.

This couple is truly the gift that keeps on giving!

Hopefully, the chickens come home to roost and Clinton's latest pantsuit will be an

orange jumpsuit with the word "INMATE" printed

on the back.

For more infomation >> FEDERAL JUDGE BLINDSIDES HILLARY – SETS WASHINGTON SWAMP ON FIRE - Duration: 10:48.

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Looking ahead to the 116th Congress - Duration: 22:34.

ROBERT COSTA: A divided country elects a divided Congress. I'm Robert Costa.

Welcome to Washington Week. The history-making class of freshmen lawmakers in the House

upends the balance of power in Washington. Will there be bipartisanship or political war?

HOUSE MINORITY LEADER NANCY PELOSI (D-CA): (From video.) A Democratic Congress will work

for solutions that bring us together because we have all had enough of division.

ROBERT COSTA: As Democrats vowed to also be a check on President Trump, House

Republicans prepare to be in the minority for the first time in eight years.

HOUSE MAJORITY LEADER KEVIN MCCARTHY (R-CA): (From video.) We will work with anybody

across that aisle if they are there to work to move America forward.

ROBERT COSTA: And the president issues a warning to Democratic investigators.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) They can play that game, but we can play it better.

ROBERT COSTA: We discuss the new era of divided government, next.

ANNOUNCER: This is Washington Week. Once again, from Washington, moderator Robert Costa.

ROBERT COSTA: Good evening, and thank you for sharing your Thanksgiving weekend with us.

Can a divided Congress work together and with President Trump?

Tonight, on this special edition, we look ahead to January, when Democrats will take

control of the House and Republicans will continue to hold power in the Senate.

Joining me are four top-notch congressional reporters.

They roam the marble halls and they know the key players: Lisa Desjardins of the PBS

NewsHour, Jake Sherman of POLITICO, Erica Werner of The Washington Post, and Manu Raju of

CNN. Let's start with the issues.

There are many fronts for possible bipartisanship, from infrastructure and trade to

health care, but the most challenging issue is likely to be immigration.

President Trump is threatening a partial government shutdown next month if Congress

doesn't agree to his terms for funding for his long-promised wall along the U.S.-Mexico border.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) When you look at the caravans, when you look at

the mess, when you look at the people coming in, this would be a very good time to do a shutdown.

ROBERT COSTA: Before we talk about bipartisanship possibilities, Jake, what are the

possibilities right now for a shutdown in December over immigration?

JAKE SHERMAN: I'd say pretty good. The president is facing a very tough scenario for him.

He's going to lose a chunk of Washington come next year, and he has put off this fight on

the border wall now for two years.

And if you talk to his defenders in Congress, they will say quite simply the president

ran on a promise to restrict immigration and to build a physical barrier on the border

with Mexico. There was no ambiguity.

He has not done that two years into his presidency with an all-Republican Washington.

ROBERT COSTA: What are the - what's the gap here, Erica? Where are the Democrats?

Where is President Trump?

ERICA WERNER: Well, the Senate has agreed to 1.6 billion (dollars) for the wall for the

2019 fiscal year. Trump wants 5 billion (dollars), which is also what House Republicans want.

And as Jake said, I think there are a few factors that make a shutdown possible, if not likely.

Of course, it all will come down to Trump and what he wants to do, but you also have

House Republicans in their last gasp of power, about to go into the minority, and you

have a number of conservatives saying we need to seize this moment and try to push for

that wall funding while we still can. We also have the president. He's about the

travel to the G-20. He often has conflicts on the international stage where he can be

embarrassed by other world leaders. Coming back from that he might have a motivation

to make a stand here on the home front, and it will come down to what he wants to do.

ROBERT COSTA: Lisa, what about a deal?

Could the Democrats ask for protections for DREAMers, undocumented immigrants, in

exchange for some funding for the wall - maybe not 5 billion (dollars), but something?

LISA DESJARDINS: Absolutely, and I think that was the Democrats' governing hope for a

long time. There are some in the Democratic caucus who think now that House - the House will be

controlled by Democrats it will move the whole tenor of the debate more toward the middle.

With Republicans controlling both chambers, things were moving too far to the right for

any deal to make it through the more moderate Senate. So there's a hope that maybe a

limited deal with Democrats coming into power could get through.

But could that happen by December 7th and with Democrats having their own dynamics that

they're working through? It seems unlikely.

And at the same time, conservatives also want to get something done. So it's just the

ground is a little bit choppy right now for any kind of deal, but it's not impossible.

ROBERT COSTA: Manu, what's your read on Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and how

he'll handle this?

MANU RAJU: Well, he does not want a shutdown. He's made that very clear, increasingly

so, for weeks. And after going to the White House last week, he came back and told

reporters in the Capitol hallway - which he doesn't do very often, but he did there -

he said there won't be a shutdown. Now, of course, a couple days later Trump said, well,

a shutdown may not be such a bad idea. So it's obviously, as Erica was saying, not

ultimately McConnell's call. The question is can they cut a deal between that $1.6

billion in funding and the $5 billion in funding. I talked to Lindsey Graham last week

about this, too. He said that perhaps there's a deal for the DREAMers and funding for

the wall. However, that - they tried that already in this past Congress and that has

already been rejected. That's going to be very difficult to get done.

At the end of the day it's going to come down to funding.

JAKE SHERMAN: And one more element: Could Nancy Pelosi be a part of any of these deals?

And my read on the situation is probably not. She's about to come into power.

She's facing a(n) uncertain bid for the speakership. Can she have her hands on

any deal that results in a border wall being built up with Mexico?

ROBERT COSTA: Aren't moderates pressuring her inside of the House?

JAKE SHERMAN: Yes. I just think that anything on - when she's on the cusp of power,

any sort of outside the bounds of the Democratic platform, so to speak, is going

to be difficult for her to pull off.

LISA DESJARDINS: And one factor that may help a shutdown happen is the stakes are lower.

This would be a partial. It would be a smaller shutdown.

This would affect just a few agencies - some big ones like Homeland Security,

Agriculture, and the State Department, but we're not talking about the Defense

Department. We're not talking about the majority of the federal government. Some big

ones, but not the whole thing. People could try and ride that out for a few days, maybe.

ROBERT COSTA: Where's the Freedom Caucus inside of the U.S. House?

ERICA WERNER: (Laughs.) They are irrelevant or about to be completely irrelevant.

(Laughter.) ROBERT COSTA: Why? Why is that?

ERICA WERNER: Well, the Republicans are going to be in the minority. Any member of

the minority in the House is basically irrelevant. It's a messaging job.

But the Freedom Caucus especially so because they've had the ability in the majority to

block legislation; they will not have that ability in the minority.

And if you look at Mark Meadows, he's walking around looking very dejected, frankly,

knowing that he's about to go from being a very key player to much less than that.

He still will have President Trump's ear, which has been important to him and to his

ability to throw his weight around, but they're going to - that group's going to go from

a group that we talk about a lot to a group that we barely mention.

ROBERT COSTA: When you think about the president and immigration, he can do a lot with

executive authority. How is Congress going to handle the president if he continues to do that?

MANU RAJU: It think he will have to do stuff with executive authority in the new

Congress. In particular, it's hard to see any sort of deal getting through.

It's been such a(n) intractable issue in Congress for such a long time.

The president has such a hard line on this issue compared to, say, Nancy Pelosi, who may

very well be the next speaker. That is going to be a very difficult thing for them to deal with.

He is going to face a prospect of a lot of focus from House Democrats who do want to

investigate his handling on, say, the separation of families in particular, so that is a

pressure that they're going to put on him.

But legislatively, any sort of big deal, so hard to see that happen.

ROBERT COSTA: There are, though, many issues where there may be an opportunity for

compromise. One is infrastructure.

There has long been bipartisan consensus that Congress should address crumbling roads and

bridges and highways and transit systems, as well as tap water that poses public health

and safety problems. The snag, of course, how to pay for it.

LISA DESJARDINS: Always how to pay for it, and especially there's going to be bigger

money problems in the next year as they're hitting potential budget cuts coming up.

So the Democrat who's probably going to lead the House Transportation Committee, Peter

DeFazio, has said he wants to do this. He wants to get a bill to the American public

they can look at in the first six months of next year. He's talking about $500 million

(sic; billion) for just surface needs. The president's talked about $1 trillion.

And of course, the trillion-dollar mark, as you hear a lot, but DeFazio's talking about

raising the federal gas tax potentially. That is something that Republicans already

have a big problem with, so a Mitch McConnell Senate is not likely to pass that, at

least at this point. It's going to be difficult.

ROBERT COSTA: Could some Republicans get behind a gas tax, Chamber of Commerce types?

LISA DESJARDINS: It's hard - potentially. We haven't heard - I haven't heard any yet.

And I think that's a more - on the local, that's more safe than it is in Congress right now.

ROBERT COSTA: Lisa's point about where the money comes from is an important one, Erica.

The president really wants public-private partnerships on infrastructure to get up to

that $1 trillion mark.

ERICA WERNER: Right, that was his proposal, something like $200 million (sic; billion)

in public funding that he thought would unlock all of this private funding, which

Democrats basically laughed at. And as we know, the idea of infrastructure week, when

there would be an infrastructure bill, just became kind of a joke over the past Congress.

On the gas tax, the president himself, we've reported at The Post, in some private

meetings early in the year actually threw out the idea of raising the gas tax, that he

could be open to it. I mean, the way this president operates he can change his position

on a dime, and you could see him coming around to that. As Lisa said, it's not something

McConnell would want to do, and it would still be a hard sell, but you could see Trump

getting onboard with that or some other funding mechanism that Democrats like and trying

to make a deal that - you know, where everyone wins on an infrastructure deal.

ROBERT COSTA: Do they - does the president want a deal, Jake? People inside of the

White House often say, well, we should have started with infrastructure back in 2017.

Now, with divided government, could they actually push for something?

JAKE SHERMAN: Well, he can thank Paul Ryan, who convinced him not to start with

infrastructure and set off what a lot of people thought was a cascading set of failures

legislatively. Now, I do think that infrastructure is the singular issue where the

president wants a deal, actually, and doesn't want the issue to bang Democrats over

the head with, but Mitch McConnell has said forget it, we're not even going to do a

$900 billion infrastructure deal. So -

ROBERT COSTA: Why not? Why is McConnell not interested in doing that?

JAKE SHERMAN: He's interested in infrastructure. His wife is the transportation

secretary, so he has both the - perhaps both the personal and professional interest in it.

That said, he knows what can get through the Senate and he's not going to put his

senators on the record for a huge spending project.

And I think Congress, what you're going to see - and you can say whatever you want about

the motivations - but there is going to be a kind of, I think, downtick in spending, or

at least an effort among Republicans to pump the brakes on spending.

ROBERT COSTA: On health care, Manu, are we going to see the Democrats in the House push

for something like Medicare for All?

MANU RAJU: I doubt it. I mean, you probably will see factions of the House push for that.

I don't think you could see that get approved by even this House - incoming House

Democratic majority. Look, they're probably going to have 234, maybe 235 seats.

That means that they could lose 17, 18 votes - 17 votes if the have 235 seats - at the

most, and there are a lot of members who are coming in from conservative districts.

That's how they came into the majority; they beat Republicans in traditional Republican

strongholds. And these same conservative members don't necessarily go along with people

who are pushing the Bernie Sanders Medicare for All type package. So just doing it

alone, even if they were to get it out of the House, no way it gets out of the Senate.

So this, you know, issue will have to be done on a bipartisan basis, which raises a whole

other slew of questions.

ROBERT COSTA: And you're right, when you look at the map a lot of moderates won as House

Democrats. But Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez from New York, newly elected, young

congresswoman, a lot of passion on that side of the party for big change.

ERICA WERNER: Right. She's the big star, of course, of the incoming freshman class.

And I think just what you alluded to is going to be become a dynamic that we see over and

over in the new Congress on health care, immigration, other issues, where there are

divisions internally in the Democratic caucus about how far to go, what to do on any

given issue, how far to push Trump. Do we push to impeach him?

Do we do Medicare for All, or do we just focus on preexisting conditions?

Do we do a big immigration bill or just something for DREAMers? I think it'll arise

again and again, and it will cause some very interesting conflicts and dynamics.

ROBERT COSTA: What about negotiating drug prices? The president talks about it.

Possible on Capitol Hill?

LISA DESJARDINS: Oh, absolutely possible.

I think that's something that Democrats are hoping to bring up very quickly.

That's one of the first bills, I think, that we could expect out of them on health care.

They're also looking at a bill by Frank Pallone, who's likely to chair the Energy and

Commerce Committee, that would bring back some subsidies for health insurers.

That's something that a few Republican senators, like Susan Collins, are interested in

doing. However, that's exactly the same situation, where it doesn't - I don't think

a McConnell Senate passes that in the end. But that's somewhere where Democrats

could have a more moderate type of approach that could gain some steam, but again,

some other Democrats will think that doesn't go far enough.

I think they're going to try that first and then see how far that goes, and then see what

happens with those progressive voices.

ROBERT COSTA: There's more than just McConnell as a backstop in the Senate, Manu.

You have people who may run for president on the Democratic side - Senator Harris of

California, Senator Booker of New Jersey. They could shift the debate.

MANU RAJU: Yeah, no question.

You're going to see these guys trying to out-position themselves for a long time, trying

to show themselves to be more aggressive, more liberal than other members, not just

Harris and Booker but even people like Sherrod Brown, Jeff Merkley, Elizabeth Warren of course.

ROBERT COSTA: Who's not running?

MANU RAJU: You know, who's not running? (Laughter.)

LISA DESJARDINS: Right.

MANU RAJU: So this is going to be a constant issue for Chuck Schumer.

But again, they are in the minority and they are going to be - try to block most of the

things that the Republicans are going to try to do in the Senate.

Watch for that Republican Senate to do a lot what they're doing in this Senate: try to

confirm judges, a lot of judges, which they can do with a simple majority.

They don't need those Democratic support at all in order to get something through.

ROBERT COSTA: So we're talking about a shutdown showdown this December.

There's a lot of possible bipartisanship early next year. But all of us as reporters

are always thinking about the other cloud that hangs over all of these discussions.

Democrats say midterm voters sent a clear message that they want a check on President

Trump's administration. A number of committee chairs in the House, the incoming

chairs, said they will use their newfound oversight power to investigate the

president and members of his team. That's the scene next year.

Are tax returns - the president's tax returns at the top of the Democrats' list?

LISA DESJARDINS: They're near the top. We actually know what's close to the top also.

We saw a letter this Tuesday come out from Jerry Nadler. He's going to be one of the

big investigative forces, chairing the House Judiciary Committee next year for Democrats.

He wrote a letter to the acting attorney general, among others, saying we will

investigate how you have handled detaining immigrants and also separating families.

So it's not just going to be about Trump's record. We will see the tax returns.

We will see also things like his policies. And I think many of his Cabinet decisions,

including the firing of Attorney General Jeff Sessions, is going to come up

very quickly. I would expect hearings on that fast.

ROBERT COSTA: Who are the players?

Who should we be paying attention to on the Democratic side, these chairs?

JAKE SHERMAN: First of all, Elijah Cummings of Maryland, who's going to chair the - we

expect to chair the Oversight and Government Reform Committee - somebody who has been in

partisan warfare before on that committee against Darrell Issa, who was the Republican

chairman during Barack Obama's administration - Jerry Nadler at Judiciary are the two big

names. But I also - I think we should even take a deeper look, which is regular

hearings, just appropriations hearings and regular humdrum business of these

committees, is going to turn into partisan warfare.

I mean, they're not going to be - if a Cabinet secretary comes to Capitol Hill for a

hearing about budgetary matters, they're not going to only get asked about budgetary

matters; they're going to get asked about policy.

This is going to be a daily thing for the administration.

This is not going to be a periodic dynamic; this is going to be a daily dynamic for an

administration that's going to be under fire from House Democrats almost every day.

ROBERT COSTA: Do Democrats risk overreaching?

ERICA WERNER: Right, and I do think that that will be a tension, as we've been talking

about, and it's something that the leadership is very mindful of and wants to avoid.

And they - some of these committee chairs who are very experienced, who have been around

for decades - Cummings, Nadler, Rich Neal that is going to chair Ways and Means - they do

not want to seem to be overreaching, and they will try to, you know, pump the brakes on

going too far. But as Jake was just saying, I mean, we cannot overstate how much the

House is going to change from a body that has protected the president from - and his

administration from answering any uncomfortable questions, to one that will be asking

uncomfortable questions every single day. And we'll have a lot to cover.

ROBERT COSTA: If the House is going to be aggressive with President Trump, is the Senate

now the citadel for President Trump? Think about Senator Lindsey Graham,

likely the chair of the Judiciary Committee in the Senate.

MANU RAJU: Yeah. Yes. You know, they - Erica is exactly right. The Senate Republicans

have been much like the House Republicans in the past two years. They've protected the

president for the most part. There have been some bipartisan investigations. The Senate

Intelligence Committee investigation. That's mostly done behind closed doors, the

Russia investigation. That's going to continue in the new Congress.

ROBERT COSTA: Will they call to protect Robert Mueller, the Senate Republicans?

MANU RAJU: Well, no. (Laughter.) You know, right now there are a handful of

Republicans who want to go that way, but not enough to actually force the issue.

You'll see Democrats try to force an issue like that and put pressure on Republicans to

join them. So you'll see Republicans try to defend the president in a lot of ways.

And Lindsey Graham, who's going to chair the Judiciary Committee, told me that he does

want to look into the FBI's handling of the Russia investigation.

That's been, of course, a big target for the president.

ROBERT COSTA: I just want to explain the laugh a little bit, because you're really

saying that the president has so much political capital still with his party that people

don't want to break ranks.

MANU RAJU: Yeah. No question about it. I mean, I think one of the lessons that

Senate Republicans have drawn is that they don't want to get on his bad side.

And when he's on their good side, he can be helpful more than hurtful with their base.

Now, the broader electorate, that's another question.

ROBERT COSTA: Adam Schiff, the House Intelligence Committee, what do we expect from him?

JAKE SHERMAN: He's going to be empowered. And he's a close ally of Nancy Pelosi.

And if she's speaker of the House, that's going to be somebody who we have to keep an eye

on. The Intelligence Committee had turned into - has turned from being a place where

bipartisanship was really in the DNA to another kind of battleground between the two

parties with very partisan members. Devin Nunes of California who has - like Manu said -

has protected the president and has gone to great lengths to protect the president.

And Adam Schiff, as the president now knows, has gone to great lengths to antagonize the

president. So this is going to - that's what this is going to be about.

ROBERT COSTA: And we talked already about Cabinet officials coming up to Capitol Hill,

but also it could be members of President Trump's family. Ivanka Trump this week, her

email use - private email use under scrutiny. She could be called up as well.

LISA DESJARDINS: Absolutely. The idea that Ivanka Trump, who spent years, you would

guess, reading stories about Hillary Clinton's emails, her use of private email, is

now herself conducting her affairs for the government using private email, is

something that a lot of Democrats have been emailing me about.

But I think all of this taken together, thinking about this for this show today, this is

a political and cultural moment both coming together. And it's a choice especially for

Democrats going into this, because the country says they want less toxicity.

You know, that's why they watch shows like this. However, it's a little bit like

saying we want to be healthier. (Laughs.) You know? Does the country really want to go

to the trouble of exercising, or are we sort of all addicted to this kind of internal

fighting? And can Democrats push that back and actually be bipartisan?

ROBERT COSTA: And what's the real agenda here, based on what Lisa just said?

At the end of the day, does President Trump want a foil for 2020 in the House Democrats?

And do the House Democrats want a foil in President Trump?

ERICA WERNER: I think Trump absolutely wants a foil.

And perhaps that's one of the reasons that he's been offering, sincerely or not, to help

Nancy Pelosi become speaker, and to find votes for her if she needs them.

You know, I think that House Democrats are concerned about Pelosi being the face of the

party. And when you ask them about that, even those who support her, they will say,

no, no. She's not going to be the face of the party. We're going to have a nominee

ultimately, and that's who the president is going to be focused on. But in fact, you

know, whatever - Nancy Pelosi has many amazing attributes and has achieved a lot.

She's not great in public. She's not someone who's very popular.

And she will be a good foil for the president.

MANU RAJU: I mean, you've already seen the president blame House Democrats, saying that

the stock market has gone down because of the prospect of new investigations, which of

course is completely false. But the president is looking for someone to blame.

And you talk to Democrats too, they will tell you the one thing they're concerned about

is re-electing Donald Trump.

So they are going to have to balance both being an antagonist, and also working with the

president, but also not working with him too much to anger their base.

That's going to be a complicated task for them. But both sides see a useful foil.

ROBERT COSTA: Final thought: Divided government, often a time for deals but also a time

when many things stall.

JAKE SHERMAN: Yeah. That's right. And voters prefer divided government.

And we see that because they keep electing two different parties to control Congress.

And I think over the next two years, we're just going to see more gridlock.

ROBERT COSTA: Any key lawmaker to watch, who may try to cut through it?

JAKE SHERMAN: I think - no. (Laughter.) I don't think there is anybody who's going to try.

MANU RAJU: That's our hope for the future.

ROBERT COSTA: That's a veteran congressional reporter right there saying: I don't have

any answers for you on that. We're going to have to leave it there. Thanks, everybody.

And please, stay tuned for a special message from your local PBS station.

I'm Robert Costa. Have a great weekend.

For more infomation >> Looking ahead to the 116th Congress - Duration: 22:34.

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Nancy Pelosi's House Speaker fight - Duration: 12:07.

ROBERT COSTA: Hello. I'm Robert Costa. And this is the Washington Week Podcast.

Joining me are four seasoned congressional reporters: Lisa Desjardins of the PBS

NewsHour, Jake Sherman of POLITICO, Erica Werner of The Washington Post, and Manu Raju of

CNN. There will be a seismic shift in Washington next year when the 116th Congress meets.

Democrats have retaken the majority of the House, and Nancy Pelosi is hoping to be in the

driver's seat, one she held before. Pelosi was born in Maryland.

Her father was a congressman and later mayor of Baltimore.

Her career in politics started in California, working for the state Democratic Party.

She was first elected to Congress in a special election in 1987.

Twenty years later, in 2007, she became the first woman to serve as speaker of the House,

steering legislation on a daily basis, some historic bills.

Now Pelosi is campaigning for a second time - sound round in that role.

While she has the support of many in her caucus, 16 Democrats have signed a letter

opposing her bid saying, quote, "the time has come for new leadership." Eleven of the

signers were current lawmakers, four of them new freshmen, and 14 of the 16 were men.

Pelosi needs 218 votes to be elected speaker. Erica, you think about this moment for

Nancy Pelosi, expected to maybe, probably be the next speaker of the House. What does it

tell you about her, to survive politically another decade in this position, to come back?

ERICA WERNER: Well, I mean, she's an incredible and singular figure in American

politics, and certainly Congress. She has incredible achievements under her belt.

You know, no one could deny that. This is someone who passed the Affordable Care Act,

passed a cap-and-trade bill through the House, passed Dodd-Frank.

And she raised tons of money for her party along the way.

Yes, she oversaw several unsuccessful elections for House Democrats, but this election

she helped her party retake the majority. And she's now being challenged by 15 or 16

people who could deny her a return to the speakership. It's pretty incredible.

MANU RAJU: Yeah. I mean, I think that we don't know how this is going to turn out.

Next week we expect her to get now formally nominated by her caucus to become their

caucus' choice for a speaker, because the threshold's lower than actually being

elected speaker. Just half of the House Democratic Caucus needs to nominate her.

And then the real question is, what's going to happen on the House floor in the first day

of the new Congress next year. At that point, of course, all Republicans will vote for

their choice, Kevin McCarthy. And the Democrats will mostly vote for Nancy Pelosi.

But what will happen if she does not get the threshold, which is 218 of members who are

actually casting a vote? If she's under that 218 number? That is a big question going

forward. And at the moment, it's very close because the members who are coming out publicly

suggest that they have the votes. But will they change their mind at the end of the

day when she's the last Democrat standing? We'll have to see.

ROBERT COSTA: Jake, when you - Jake Sherman, when you think about her political profile,

who are her allies, her lieutenants? What's her network in Washington and her network

nationally? Because she's more than just the speaker of the House.

She's a force in the Democratic Party. How do you see it as a congressional reporter?

JAKE SHERMAN: It would be tough to find somebody in the Democratic coalition that's not

her ally. And by coalition, I mean labor unions, super PACs, advocacy organizations

like Emily's List, Planned Parenthood.

I mean, the Democratic coalition, she's helped build and cobble together and keep

together over the last two decades, or more than two decades really.

Her allies in the capital include Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, who long-time Democrat

from New Haven. People like Anna Eshoo of California.

She has a lot of allies, coastal allies, from California and from the East Coast who have

protected her and have been her eyes and ears in a Democratic Caucus that was, at one

time, very difficult to manage because it included conservative Democrats and it included

liberals. And it was very tough to keep those two factions together.

Now, the coalition has come back - has changed a little bit over time.

But Nancy Pelosi does - the thing to keep in mind - is does have the support of probably

close to 200 of her colleagues. And it is a small group.

And the question is, can she grind down somewhere, like, five or six of those dissenters

and work them to neutral, either to come to the floor and vote present, which would lower

the threshold from 218, allow her to win with a lower number. John Boehner had that dynamic in 2014.

Or, could she flip a couple people by giving out committee assignments, additional staff,

promises? And the one thing we were talking about before the show, is can she put

out there that she's going to leave Congress at some date certain?

She's been loath to do that so far, but I think that would really make a lot of her

dissenters much more comfortable in voting for her.

ROBERT COSTA: Nancy Pelosi recent told TIME Magazine, quote, "If I weren't effective, I

wouldn't be a target." How do you see her as a leader on Capitol Hill?

LISA DESJARDINS: It was remarkable that when we talked to either the new freshmen

Democrats who campaigned saying that they would vote no on Nancy Pelosi, or the members

of the sort of insurgency who were trying to take her out, none of them

questioned her skills. They didn't question her fundraising ability. They didn't find

any fault with her abilities. The thing they kept coming back to - and I asked person

after person who was opposing Pelosi - they said: We think it's time. You know, or

they personally don't like her. They may be on the outs with her personally. But more

often, you just hear she's been in too long. Her leadership team has been in too long.

That's a fair criticism when you have so many new people coming up.

But is that the reason to change hands when the Democrats have one seat at the table, and

it's the speaker, in the Trump presidency? Is that when you do it? So she is very effective.

And I think that is the main argument she's making, that no one else can do this job as

well as I can.

And note that on that letter that 16 people signed, that we saw this week, saying they

would not vote for her, we had been told it was more like 20-something and growing, you

know, people kept sort of intimating it was getting up to 30 names. No, it was 16 names.

So people are keeping their powder dry, in particular the freshmen women who said they

would vote "no" on Pelosi, are thinking very carefully about only voting no in this

month, and not in January.

ROBERT COSTA: Any insights into her relationship, Manu Raju, with President Trump?

MANU RAJU: It's mostly non-existent. I mean, they have, of course, had interactions in the last-

ROBERT COSTA: Over the years, right, they had been friendly? He was a Democrat at one point.

MANU RAJU: Yeah. Yes. But I don't think he was ever to the point of any sort of

serious relationship. They have had discussions. They've had some compromises early

on in this Congress, where the president essentially caved to the whims of the Democrats

on some spending issues and the like. Now this is a whole different ballgame.

The president has not needed her. The White House has not courted House Democrats,

really has focused on Republicans and the Senate. Now they're going to need her.

And that's going to be a relationship in progress. So maybe that's why the president

did tweet that he can help her find votes, even though she has rejected that notion.

But they are going to have to work together, because the government is going to have to

be funded. The debt limit is going to have to be raised. There are going to be very

serious fiscal matters that require Congress to act, and the president's signature.

ROBERT COSTA: One part of the Pelosi story, Erica Werner, that doesn't get probably

enough attention, are her deputies. You think about the leadership team.

It's Nancy Pelosi, Steny Hoyer, Jim Clyburn. Steny Hoyer from Maryland, Jim Clyburn

from South Carolina. All three above the age of 75. Why hasn't Hoyer, for example,

been challenged during this leadership fight? Why has it all been about Pelosi, not

about Hoyer? And Clyburn was briefly challenged, but then his challenger dropped out.

ERICA WERNER: Yeah. It's pretty amazing. You have these three individuals who have -

who are all well over 70, who have led House Democrats for decades through good times

and bad for the party. And you can see why that would lead to calls for change.

Although, as Lisa kind of noted, what the dissenters are calling for is just change.

They don't have policies that they want. They just want change, it's time.

LISA DESJARDINS: Right, or an alternate set of skills that they're pushing. Yeah.

ERICA WERNER: Right. But it's been quite interesting that Hoyer, a long-time rival

of Pelosi's - and that's gone on for years. And he's always wanted to be speaker, and

there's always been a sense that she never would leave if it would make way for him. But -

MANU RAJU: If she's going down, she's taking him with her.

ERICA WERNER: Exactly. (Laughter.) But the three of them have been working together

to get Pelosi over the top in this speaker race. Hoyer is helping her out.

So they've kind of assumed a, you know, "Three Musketeers" almost image, or performance

in this - in this scenario. I think it's a good question why Hoyer, he's a white man,

you know, in the #MeToo movement, isn't getting challenged.

But she's been the face of the party much more prominently.

LISA DESJARDINS: I think he made - I think Hoyer made a good early read maybe even a

year ago, seeing that if they took over the House it would be through a lot of changing

faces. And he worked over the summer particularly hard, going district to district, I think

something like 170 different districts he went to and personal campaigned for, raised

money - places where Nancy Pelosi was, frankly, not wanted. He would show up.

And so that allegiance and that work, I think, is paying off for him right now.

ROBERT COSTA: Jake, final thing.

You're coming out with a book The Hill to Die On, with a co-author.

And you think about what drives Mitch McConnell in the Senate, the judges, the courts,

you think about President Trump, this outsider who wants to disrupt every American

political norm. What about Leader Pelosi? You've spent time covering her for a long

time. What drives her? What keeps her in the arena? What makes her want to do this?

JAKE SHERMAN: She is a really skilled legislator who seems to thrive off of building

unlikely coalitions for different pieces of legislation.

And I think she feels now, in this iteration of her power, that an opposition party is so

critical, and needs to be unified, and needs to be sharp, and needs to be targeted.

And she is the person who could do that, because of her years of experience.

And there is an argument to be made that she is, at this moment, objectively the only

person with those skills, in that nobody has been at the height of power.

She has been at the height of power for so long that nobody else has that skillset.

ROBERT COSTA: It almost reminds me of when Paul Ryan became House speaker.

He seemed to be the only one who was capable in a chaotic House GOP of doing it.

You and Anna Palmer working on this book about - a lot of it has to do with Ryan.

Just any thoughts on his legacy quickly?

JAKE SHERMAN: Yeah. It'll be complicated. I think it will be wrapped up in Donald

Trump, which is something, if you asked him five or six years ago, he would have never,

ever imagined. A guy who was Ways and Means Committee chairman, got tax reform done,

speaker of the House, vice presidential candidate.

And his legacy will be, to many people, his relationship with the president.

ROBERT COSTA: And the Pelosi legacy could end up being tied with President Trump.

We'll see in the next year or two. That's it for this edition of the Washington Week

Podcast. You can listen wherever you get your podcasts or watch on the Washington Week

website. I'm Robert Costa. See you next time.

For more infomation >> Nancy Pelosi's House Speaker fight - Duration: 12:07.

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Fox News Analyst: Washington Post 'Has Some Culpability' For Khashoggi's Murder - News Today - Duration: 3:17.

 At least twice this week, Fox News has aired commentary dismissing the controversy over the death of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi, whom U

S. intelligence officials believe was murdered and dismembered on the order of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman

   Fox News guest Christian Whiton, a senior fellow at a right-wing foreign policy think tank, told the network's Julie Banderas on Friday that Khashoggi "wasn't really" a journalist and claimed The Washington Post "frankly has some culpability here" in his death

   Whiton suggested that publishing Khashoggi's work in English and Arabic "really put him in harm's way

"  The comments seemed to echo others made by Mark Steyn, a Canadian political commenter who called Khashoggi a "dead so-called journalist" when Steyn filled in Wednesday for host Tucker Carlson

   "He was kind of a deep-state Saudi spook," Steyn added, without evidence or elaboration on what he meant

 Khashoggi had a long career as a journalist, covering conflicts in Afghanistan and Sudan for the Saudi Gazette and notably interviewing Osama bin Laden in the 1980s and 1990s

He contributed to the Post as an opinion writer on Middle Eastern affairs.  Khashoggi, a U

S. resident, was tortured and killed Oct. 2 soon after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul

 Whiton claimed that "what got him killed" was Khashoggi's swing between supporting the Saudi leadership and criticizing it

   World leaders in Canada, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and elsewhere have condemned the murder as a gross offense against freedom of expression, although U

S. President Donald Trump has hesitated to come down too strongly against the Saudis

Trump raised eyebrows when he suggested, against his own intelligence officials' findings, that the crown prince might not have ordered the murder at all

 "Maybe he did and maybe he didn't!" Trump said in a statement earlier this week

 Trump has cited his wish to preserve an arms deal with Saudi Arabia, claiming it is worth $110 billion

Agreements made so far are worth $14.5 billion.  Democrats in the House have pledged to investigate the president's response to the murder

RELATED COVERAGE Jamal Khashoggi's Sons Ask For Their Father's Body To Be Returned Jamal Khashoggi's Body Dissolved After Dismemberment, Turkish Official Says Saudi Arabia Now Says Jamal Khashoggi's Death Was 'Premeditated' Download

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