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In a Divided Washington, Congress Averted a Shutdown � but at a Price The New York Times - Duration: 6:56.
In a Divided Washington, Congress Averted a Shutdown — but at a Price The New York Times
WASHINGTON — Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, went to bed Wednesday night cautiously optimistic that a shutdown crisis that had stretched back to December had finally ended.
Then President Trump awoke in a rage Thursday, feeling cornered into accepting struck earlier in the week that would deprive him once again of money for his long promised wall along the southwestern border. Conservative commentators who had been cajoled into accepting the deal Wednesday were breaking their silence on Thursday.
By midmorning, after a particularly unpleasant meeting with the secretary of homeland security, Kirstjen Nielsen, the president was threatening to torpedo the deal, according to two people briefed on the exchange. Several hours and several phone calls later, Mr. McConnell had persuaded Mr. Trump to once again agree to sign looming at midnight Friday.
But persuasion came at a price: The president to try to secure wall funding without congressional approval, he told the majority leader — and Mr. McConnell would have to back him.
I indicated Im going to support the national emergency declaration. Mr. McConnell said Thursday afternoon from the Senate floor, mumbling and visibly weary after his conversation with the president.
You are rude! barked Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, who had not finished a floor speech when his leader interrupted him.
It was a fitting moment for a surreal, discordant day.
Mr. McConnells concession, on the heels of the presidents bigger capitulation over wall funding, capped a wrenching month of political realignment, as Mr. Trumps power has waned in the face of a divided Congress and his understanding of the Constitutions separation of powers has been challenged. A 35 day government shutdown, the largest in the nations history, had depleted his partys political reserves and made another impasse unthinkable.
Shutdowns are a total misery march, said Senator Shelley Moore Capito, Republican of West Virginia. Time makes it worse. And thats what happened here.
And by maneuvering negotiations to avert another shutdown to the leaders of the House and Senate Appropriations Committees, congressional leaders put Democrats at a distinct advantage. Appropriators knew how to reach a deal — and were willing to do it without the White House in the room.
I think the president has finally learned that shutdowns dont work — at least I hope he has learned that — because you never know, said Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee.
After the last shutdown, the majority leader appeared ready for some normalcy on Capitol Hill. The decision by Mr. McConnell and Speaker Nancy Pelosi to appoint a 17 member conference committee to produce a bill that would fund the government through the end of the current fiscal year effectively sidelined the White House from the talks, according to congressional aides from both parties.
Largely absent was Jared Kushner, the presidents son in law, who bragged that he was instrumental in last year but who in December by advising the president to embrace the shutdown.
Mr. Kushner was present in the Oval Office for a few meetings between Mr. Trump and Senator Richard C. Shelby, Republican of Alabama and the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, according to a congressional aide. But Mr. Kushner, who has fashioned himself as the Trump White Houses master deal maker, said he was stepping back to focus on a far more ambitious project, , according to two senior administration officials.
Absent, too, was Vice President Mike Pence, whom the president in December during the first round of shutdown talks when he offered compromise solutions. Republican senators repeatedly questioned the vice president on whether he was speaking for himself or the president when he weighed in on topics related to the negotiations.
Then, as negotiators closed in on a deal, Mr. Pence flew away — for a trip to Europe.
Left to their own devices, congressional negotiators began their work in earnest on Jan. 29, when , Democrat of New York and the chairwoman of the House Appropriations Committee, convened a meeting of party lawmakers in the ornate office of Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the minority leader, to settle on a unified strategy.
They agreed to table some of the most complex immigration issues, including the fate of young immigrants brought to the country illegally as children, to focus on keeping the mileage and funding for as stingy as possible, according to Democratic aides.
Ms. Lowey and Mr. Shelby had little difficulty arriving at a general range for barrier funding. Both sides agreed to authorize dollar 1.3 billion to dollar 1.6 billion for fencing, not a hard call considering both chambers of Congress had already passed legislation last year authorizing similar expenditures — only to be rejected by Mr. Trump. They ended up approving dollar 1.375 billion for 55 miles of steel post fencing, 10 miles less than the deal that they had reached over the summer — and that the president had rejected.
The biggest snag came as negotiators neared a deal on Sunday: Liberals led by Representative Lucille Roybal Allard, Democrat of California, pushed a plan to cap the number of detention beds used for migrants. Mr. Shelby presented the proposal to Mr. Trump, who immediately rejected it, and Ms. Pelosi immediately withdrew her committee members from the talks.
But the move, which Ms. Pelosis office portrayed as a breakdown in negotiations, was really intended to assuage critics on the left who said House Democrats were not doing enough to counter aggressive immigrant roundups in areas far from the border.
On Monday morning, as Ms. Pelosi drove to the airport in San Francisco for a flight back to Washington, she informed Ms. Lowey and Ms. Roybal Allard that the proposal was too hard to explain publicly and ordered them to restart the talks.
By Monday night, the negotiators had reached an agreement.
That is when Mr. McConnells troubles really began.
Mr. McConnell, burned by the last round of negotiations that led to the shutdown in December, concluded that none of Mr. Trumps previous emissaries to Capitol Hill could be trusted to speak for a president prone to changing his position on a whim.
With Mr. Kushner and the vice president absent, Mick Mulvaney, the interim White House chief of staff, was left to monitor the discussions. An avid supporter of government shutdowns when he was a Republican congressman from South Carolina, Mr. Mulvaney caused considerable tension.
Mr. McConnell and his staff were especially annoyed by Mr. Mulvaneys performance on Sunday on the political talk shows, saying he seemed giddy and enthusiastic about the possibility of another shutdown, according to three people familiar with the situation.
After Mr. Mulvaney on Sunday a shutdown, an incensed Mr. Shelby referred to Mr. Mulvaney as dangerous in the negotiations during a check in session with lawmakers, according to a member of the conference committee. He was infuriated all over again on Thursday, believing Mr. Mulvaney was behind Mr. Trumps change of heart.
Mr. Shelby, asked about his views on Mr. Mulvaney, declined to comment.
The majority leader, sentimental as a scythe and not one for small talk, decided it was up to him. He began speaking with Mr. Trump three or four times a day, and urged others to do the same, according to several people close to the negotiations.
I want you all to start calling the president directly, Mr. McConnell told a group of senior Republicans last week after a conference lunch, according to two people in attendance. Hes easy to get on the phone.
Mr. McConnell viewed his role as equal parts cajoler and instructor. He patiently and fruitlessly argued against the emergency declaration, which he sees as usurping congressional authority to splinter Senate Republicans. He also used the check ins to collect intelligence about Mr. Trumps mind set.
To sell the president on the deal, he argued that it was a big down payment on the wall and offered to support moves by the president to transfer some funding from other agencies to border barrier projects if he ditched the emergency declaration. But the core of his case, people close to Mr. McConnell said, was the argument that the deal reached by negotiators was actually a victory over Ms. Pelosi, thanks to his success in fighting attempts to reduce the number of detention beds.
Mr. Trump never really bought it.
But Mr. McConnell is nothing if not adaptable. During his final call with Mr. Trump, he looped in the White House counsel, Pat Cipollone, who expressed misgivings about the emergency declaration, telling an annoyed Mr. Trump that it would prompt several serious lawsuits.
Mr. McConnell, quickly shifting from opposing the declaration to managing its rollout, snapped back, Who cares? This is America — everybody sues everybody else, according to a person the leader spoke to late Thursday.
-------------------------------------------
In a Divided Washington, Congress Averted a Shutdown � but at a Price The New York Times - Duration: 6:58.
In a Divided Washington, Congress Averted a Shutdown — but at a Price The New York Times
WASHINGTON — Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, went to bed Wednesday night cautiously optimistic that a shutdown crisis that had stretched back to December had finally ended.
Then President Trump awoke in a rage Thursday, feeling cornered into accepting struck earlier in the week that would deprive him once again of money for his long promised wall along the southwestern border. Conservative commentators who had been cajoled into accepting the deal Wednesday were breaking their silence on Thursday.
By midmorning, after a particularly unpleasant meeting with the secretary of homeland security, Kirstjen Nielsen, the president was threatening to torpedo the deal, according to two people briefed on the exchange. Several hours and several phone calls later, Mr. McConnell had persuaded Mr. Trump to once again agree to sign looming at midnight Friday.
But persuasion came at a price: The president to try to secure wall funding without congressional approval, he told the majority leader — and Mr. McConnell would have to back him.
I indicated Im going to support the national emergency declaration. Mr. McConnell said Thursday afternoon from the Senate floor, mumbling and visibly weary after his conversation with the president.
You are rude! barked Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, who had not finished a floor speech when his leader interrupted him.
It was a fitting moment for a surreal, discordant day.
Mr. McConnells concession, on the heels of the presidents bigger capitulation over wall funding, capped a wrenching month of political realignment, as Mr. Trumps power has waned in the face of a divided Congress and his understanding of the Constitutions separation of powers has been challenged. A 35 day government shutdown, the largest in the nations history, had depleted his partys political reserves and made another impasse unthinkable.
Shutdowns are a total misery march, said Senator Shelley Moore Capito, Republican of West Virginia. Time makes it worse. And thats what happened here.
And by maneuvering negotiations to avert another shutdown to the leaders of the House and Senate Appropriations Committees, congressional leaders put Democrats at a distinct advantage. Appropriators knew how to reach a deal — and were willing to do it without the White House in the room.
I think the president has finally learned that shutdowns dont work — at least I hope he has learned that — because you never know, said Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee.
After the last shutdown, the majority leader appeared ready for some normalcy on Capitol Hill. The decision by Mr. McConnell and Speaker Nancy Pelosi to appoint a 17 member conference committee to produce a bill that would fund the government through the end of the current fiscal year effectively sidelined the White House from the talks, according to congressional aides from both parties.
Largely absent was Jared Kushner, the presidents son in law, who bragged that he was instrumental in last year but who in December by advising the president to embrace the shutdown.
Mr. Kushner was present in the Oval Office for a few meetings between Mr. Trump and Senator Richard C. Shelby, Republican of Alabama and the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, according to a congressional aide. But Mr. Kushner, who has fashioned himself as the Trump White Houses master deal maker, said he was stepping back to focus on a far more ambitious project, , according to two senior administration officials.
Absent, too, was Vice President Mike Pence, whom the president in December during the first round of shutdown talks when he offered compromise solutions. Republican senators repeatedly questioned the vice president on whether he was speaking for himself or the president when he weighed in on topics related to the negotiations.
Then, as negotiators closed in on a deal, Mr. Pence flew away — for a trip to Europe.
Left to their own devices, congressional negotiators began their work in earnest on Jan. 29, when , Democrat of New York and the chairwoman of the House Appropriations Committee, convened a meeting of party lawmakers in the ornate office of Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the minority leader, to settle on a unified strategy.
They agreed to table some of the most complex immigration issues, including the fate of young immigrants brought to the country illegally as children, to focus on keeping the mileage and funding for as stingy as possible, according to Democratic aides.
Ms. Lowey and Mr. Shelby had little difficulty arriving at a general range for barrier funding. Both sides agreed to authorize dollar 1.3 billion to dollar 1.6 billion for fencing, not a hard call considering both chambers of Congress had already passed legislation last year authorizing similar expenditures — only to be rejected by Mr. Trump. They ended up approving dollar 1.375 billion for 55 miles of steel post fencing, 10 miles less than the deal that they had reached over the summer — and that the president had rejected.
The biggest snag came as negotiators neared a deal on Sunday: Liberals led by Representative Lucille Roybal Allard, Democrat of California, pushed a plan to cap the number of detention beds used for migrants. Mr. Shelby presented the proposal to Mr. Trump, who immediately rejected it, and Ms. Pelosi immediately withdrew her committee members from the talks.
But the move, which Ms. Pelosis office portrayed as a breakdown in negotiations, was really intended to assuage critics on the left who said House Democrats were not doing enough to counter aggressive immigrant roundups in areas far from the border.
On Monday morning, as Ms. Pelosi drove to the airport in San Francisco for a flight back to Washington, she informed Ms. Lowey and Ms. Roybal Allard that the proposal was too hard to explain publicly and ordered them to restart the talks.
By Monday night, the negotiators had reached an agreement.
That is when Mr. McConnells troubles really began.
Mr. McConnell, burned by the last round of negotiations that led to the shutdown in December, concluded that none of Mr. Trumps previous emissaries to Capitol Hill could be trusted to speak for a president prone to changing his position on a whim.
With Mr. Kushner and the vice president absent, Mick Mulvaney, the interim White House chief of staff, was left to monitor the discussions. An avid supporter of government shutdowns when he was a Republican congressman from South Carolina, Mr. Mulvaney caused considerable tension.
Mr. McConnell and his staff were especially annoyed by Mr. Mulvaneys performance on Sunday on the political talk shows, saying he seemed giddy and enthusiastic about the possibility of another shutdown, according to three people familiar with the situation.
After Mr. Mulvaney on Sunday a shutdown, an incensed Mr. Shelby referred to Mr. Mulvaney as dangerous in the negotiations during a check in session with lawmakers, according to a member of the conference committee. He was infuriated all over again on Thursday, believing Mr. Mulvaney was behind Mr. Trumps change of heart.
Mr. Shelby, asked about his views on Mr. Mulvaney, declined to comment.
The majority leader, sentimental as a scythe and not one for small talk, decided it was up to him. He began speaking with Mr. Trump three or four times a day, and urged others to do the same, according to several people close to the negotiations.
I want you all to start calling the president directly, Mr. McConnell told a group of senior Republicans last week after a conference lunch, according to two people in attendance. Hes easy to get on the phone.
Mr. McConnell viewed his role as equal parts cajoler and instructor. He patiently and fruitlessly argued against the emergency declaration, which he sees as usurping congressional authority to splinter Senate Republicans. He also used the check ins to collect intelligence about Mr. Trumps mind set.
To sell the president on the deal, he argued that it was a big down payment on the wall and offered to support moves by the president to transfer some funding from other agencies to border barrier projects if he ditched the emergency declaration. But the core of his case, people close to Mr. McConnell said, was the argument that the deal reached by negotiators was actually a victory over Ms. Pelosi, thanks to his success in fighting attempts to reduce the number of detention beds.
Mr. Trump never really bought it.
But Mr. McConnell is nothing if not adaptable. During his final call with Mr. Trump, he looped in the White House counsel, Pat Cipollone, who expressed misgivings about the emergency declaration, telling an annoyed Mr. Trump that it would prompt several serious lawsuits.
Mr. McConnell, quickly shifting from opposing the declaration to managing its rollout, snapped back, Who cares? This is America — everybody sues everybody else, according to a person the leader spoke to late Thursday.
-------------------------------------------
Bill Clinton is comforter in chief at John Dingells Washington D.C. funeral Daily Mail Online - Duration: 8:34.
Bill Clinton is comforter in chief at John Dingells Washington D.C. funeral Daily Mail Online
Longtime Rep. John Dingell was remembered Thursday as one of the greats as lawmakers and former colleagues hailed his record breaking service in the House.
The 92 year old Dingell who died last week, served 59 years in Congress, longer than anyone else in U.S. history. The Michigan Democrat was the longtime chairman of the powerful House Energy and Commerce Committee.
Many of the laws forged over the past 60 years reflect Dingells influence, former House Speaker John Boehner and other speakers said, and touch on everything from health care to the environment, civil rights and the auto industry, which Dingell fiercely defended throughout his tenure.
John Dingell was one of the greats, the gentleman from Michigan, the dean of the House, the chairman, said Boehner, R Ohio.
Rep. Fred Upton, who followed Dingell as Energy and Commerce chairman, called Dingell Mr. Michigan, and said Dingells love of his home state was unmatched. Upton, a Michigan Republican, recalled Dingells famous remark about the committee: If it moves, its energy. If it doesnt its commerce. We had the world.
Former President Bill Clinton said the funeral at Holy Trinity Catholic Church marked one of the few times anyone in attendance could be in the same room with Dingell and get the last word.
Mourning: Debbie Dingell center was flanked by Bill and Hillary Clinton at the Washington D.C. funeral for her husband John
Public comfort: Bill Clinton hugged Debbie Dingell at the funeral services for her husband John, who died last week. He was the longest serving Congressman in history with 59 years in the House
Reaching out: Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton shared the front seat at the funeral with Debbie Dingell, who now represents her late husbands district, which runs from the west of Detroit to Ann Arbor, MI
Comfort: Steny Hoyer, the second most powerful Democrat in the House was also one of the speakers at the funeral and hugged Debbie Dingell after his address
Wit and wisdom: Bill Clinton said that the funeral for John Dingell was likely to be the only time that those present would get the last word over the congressman
Tribute: John Dingell was about the best do er in the history of American public life, Clinton said, citing Dingells role in a host of landmark laws, including the creation of Medicare and Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act, Endangered Species Act, Clear Air Act and many others.
Farewell: Bill Clinton touches John Dingells casket after speaking at Holy Trinity Church at the congressmans funeral mass
Service: John Dingell represented the same district known most recently as the 12th for 59 years. It was represented by his father, John Dingell Sr. before him and is now held by his widow Debbie
Among the mourners: Lynda Carter, who played Wonder Woman, was in the church for the funeral for John Dingell. She is a longtime Democratic supporter
Final farewell: Bill Clinton was at Debbie Dingells side as the coffin was readied to be taken from the church, and walked out arm in arm with his wife Hillary
Support: Debbie Dingell followed her husbands casket with Bill Clinton supporting her on her left and Hillary Clinton on her right
Moment of levity: Hillary Clinton and Debbie Dingell found a moment of humor in Bills address in tribute to John Dingell
Procession: An Army honor guard prepare to take the casket of John Dingell from Holy Trinity Catholic Church, with Bill Clinton preparing to escort Debbie Dingell, his widow
Final moments: John Dingells flag draped casket was taken from Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Georgetown, Washington D.C., by an honor guard, before burial at Arlington National Cemetery
Tribute: Bill Clinton led mourners in saluting as John Dingells casket left for burial at Arlington National Cemetery
Blessing: Bill Clinton received a blessing during holy communion from the principal celebrant of John Dingells requiem
Comfort: Speaker Nancy Pelosi was among the mourners for John Dingell and spoke to members of his family at Holy Trinity Church, in Georgetown, Washington D.C.
Heavyweights: Among those at the requiem mass were from left Democrats Steny Hoyer, the Democratic majority leader in the House; John Lewis, the Georgia Congressman and civil rights icon; Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker; and John Boehner, the former Republican Speaker
Also mourning: Freshmen members of the Democratic caucus in the House were present including Rashida Tlaib, who represents a Michigan seat; and firebrand social media star Alexandria Ocasio Cortez
Final farewell: An Army honor guard carry the remains of John Dingell to the hearse which will take his casket to Arlington National Cemetery
While Dingell served for nearly six decades, it was what he did while in Congress that matters more, Clinton said.
John Dingell was about the best do er in the history of American public life, Clinton said, citing Dingells role in a host of landmark laws, including the creation of Medicare and Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act, Endangered Species Act, Clear Air Act and many others.
House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, a close friend, called the 6 foot 3 Dingell larger than life and said he was imposing and even intimidating.
He was our very own Big John, Hoyer said, noting that while sometimes acerbic, Dingell was as tender as he was tenacious and he became a dear friend.
About 800 people attended a service Tuesday in Dearborn, Michigan, where Dingell lived.
Tribute: Democratic majority leader Steny Hoyer was one of those delivering a eulogy for the late Congressman
Also speaking: John Lewis, the Democratic congressman from Georgia and a civil rights hero, was one of the speakers at the funeral at Holy Trinity Church in Georgetown, Washington D.C.
Comfort: John Lewis hugged Debbie Dingell after speaking in tribute to her late husband
Honor guard: John Dingells casket was carried to his funeral service by an Army honor guard. He joined in 1944 at 18 and was commissioned as a second lieutenant
Full: The nave of Holy Trinity Church in Washington D.C. was packed for the funeral of John Dingell, at which Bill Clinton was one of the speakers
Farewell: Debbie Dingell was at the door of Holy Trinity to greet the casket of her husband John, who died at 92
Pomp: The flag draped casket of former Rep. John Dingell, D Mich., arrived at Holy Trinity Catholic Church with an Army honor guard
Prayer: John Dingell was mourned by a packed Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Georgetown, D.C.
Prayer: Among the mourners at the service were behind Nancy Pelosi House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer
Arriving: Nancy Pelosi, Fred Upton, the Michigan Republican congressman who also eulogized John Dingell, and John Lewis R MI , center, and Rep. John Lewis D GA , left, arrive to attend funeral services for former Rep. John Dingell at Holy Trinity Catholic Church on February 14, 2019 at Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Washington, DC. Dingell, who represented southeast Michigan for 59 years in the House of Representatives, died last week at age 92. Photo by Pablo Martinez Monsivais Pool/Getty Images
Congresswomen mourn: California Democrats Maxine Waters left and Doris Matsui right were at the service
Presidential hopes: Amy Klobuchar, the senior Minnesota senator who is running for the Democratic nomination, walked in to Holy Trinity Catholic Church directly after Bill Clinton
Shes running too: New York junior senator Kirsten Gillibrand was among the mourners for the longest serving congressman in history
Arriving: Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, the freshman Democratic congresswoman from New York, was among the mourners
May he rest in peace. Now can we have term limits?...
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Published by Associated Newspapers Ltd
Part of the Daily Mail, The Mail on Sunday Metro Media Group
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