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North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:34.
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5 ways to embrace extreme winter cold - Duration: 0:58.
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Border Battle Continues Over Washington - Duration: 1:30.
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From fake universities to workplace raids: ICE's increased immigration crackdowns under Trump - Duration: 1:24.
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Is extreme weather related to climate change? - Duration: 2:22.
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Howard Schultz's horrible, no good, very bad week - Duration: 1:32.
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Coach Postiglione After Washington & Lee Victory - Duration: 6:49.
Back to Nininger Hall as a big win this evening for these Bridgewater college Eagles as they
knock off W&L herein maybe one of the more complete games your squad's played coach.
I think we've discovered at this point for us to be effective defensively we have to
speed teams up. I think we did a good job with that because their a great offensive
team they have a lot of weapons very explosive Coach McHugh does a great job teaching them
offense and I think we sped them up 27 turnovers thats a lot in a game so I think thats the
difference cause there always going to find a way to hit some shots in the second half
there but fortuanetly we hit shots as well Chandler hit some big ones and we made free
throws it was we have a bunch of different guys do some good things it was good we needed
it got another really tough one saturday but certainly you know times running out good
that we got this one. You talk about contributions five players in double figures two more had
eight i mean thats kinda the way i think that you probably envisioned things is that it
was going to have to be a team effort and sure you know dimetri scored his 28 but after
that you get a bunch of guys right there you know that 10 to 14 range t o fill in the gaps
and to fill and thats when we effective thats what we are i think our shots 46% from 3 44
for the game and they have some big big guys inside so we weren't as effective as to be
expected in a game like this but yeah i think thats key monte hit some big shots jimmie
hit some timely shots we did a pretty good job taking care of the ball for the most part
and made free throws so yeah alot of positives definetly good to see that and its the first
time we've been at full strength for i think about a month so i think um when we're at
full strength and we got everyone in the lineup we show we can compete with a lot of people
so hopefully that stays the case lynchburg is a top 25 team on Saturday got two at home
next week so you know hopefully we can keep this going a little bit and the key is always
defense though i think that was huge for us to not turn them over how many steals we have
14 steals that a lot of live ball turnovers. Dimetri had six on his own and i just think
you know when had the match up that you did out there him and kearns and i think dimetri
probably only once truly had his pocket picked but on the other side you know there came
a point when i thought you know turned there was a little bit of blood in the water and
it felt like the defense just really clamped down and the hands ive never seen them quicker.
And thats the thing you know and that what we kind of really did emphasize that coming
into this game that people have to there has to be a consequence if people are trying to
drive it on you and we got away from that a little bit at the end but for probably 75%
of the game there are people there are bodies there and alot of teams in our league are
very rhythm based offensively like they wanna be able to do they're stuff at they're pace
and be on time with things passes and i think we really did a good job with that tonight
so thats really a key thats going to be something we are going to have to do going forward as
well. You talked earlier about speeding them up and you can certainly see that in the first
half it had a real helter skelter feel to it there early on and i gotta be honest I
wasn't sure we were going to leave 11-11 we were joking here at halftime to score i think
it was 40-34 we were saying how did it get this high just because while it was end to
end there was no finish on either side right and then kinda the floodgates opened in the
second half 54-50 so yeah i think we have a tendency to start slow offensively but i
think we got into a pretty good rhythm but again a lot of that rhythm was caused by our
defense i think um you know being able to get out and run a little bit its funny we've
scored 90 a bunch and we've scored 50 a bunch so its kinda like we have the potential but
we have to execute and go at it when your hitting shots it makes it a lot easier. I
was going to say what a difference making that transition 3 is yeah because you know
and i dont think any coach minds the transition 3 because not that its a free possesion but
theres a great opportunity and if you miss it you just go back and play defense again
you hit a couple of those chandler for a moment was just unstoppable and that you know played
a big part in to kind of pushing them far enough down that even when they made their
run at the end they were still at an arms length exactly and we needed that cushion
cause they're too good they start two all-conference seniors we don't have any seniors to go and
beat a team like that with roy mcmillian is a first team all odac guy and kearns is certainly
an all league guy as well we made him have a rough night in a lot of ways we did a good
job thats a very very good team and that team could easily win the league and pretty much
almost any team playing night in and night out so its a good win glad we could do it
at home had a nice atmosphere band was here it was good know we gotta go on the road against
a top 25 team hopefully be able to do some similar good things see where it goes from
there last thing I gotta ask you when you look at this lineup that they have lamendola
is not the guy you'd normally look at but he was the guy that just killed you in lexington
yeah and hes a freshman was there anything you did differently i think overall with guys
like him and dennin whos a great shooter i think we just did a better job of disrupting
there rhythm so when they did get shots they were a little sped up they weren't quite comfortable
they weren't you know swing swing kick kick three when they had they're feet set alot
so i thought we kind of made them play a little bit faster and out of rhythm than they would
have liked and that translated into them not kind of getting til the very end where they
kind of found a rhythm a little bit and we were kind of playing on our heels so probably
that last 5-7 minutes i thought we kind of dictated the pace and when you do that you're
going to be able to get some good things and good results so it was a we'll take it we'l
take a win this late in the year against a very good team for sure coach congratulations
thanks for the time
-------------------------------------------
The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post - Duration: 2:37.
The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post
Perspective Interpretation of the news based on evidence, including data, as well as anticipating how events might unfold based on past events
On Tuesday, British Prime Minister Theresa Mayá that her party reject her own Brexit plan so she could go back to negotiations with the European Union and dismantle aná with the continent, on an impossiblyáfast timeline, during talks thatá. On every level, it is an insane way to behave. The British government is actively sabotaging the work it has spent the past two years completing and then doing a victory dance.
áThe problems all lie with something called the Irish backstop. You wouldnt know it, given how deranged the party has become about it, but it is a Conservative idea. Their problem was simple: They wanted two contradictory things. On the one hand, the Brexit campaign during the referendum promised to take back control from Brussels. That meant returning regulatory decision making to London. But on the other, it promised that everything would continue as before, with no effect on trade. That is impossible, because as soon as you take back regulatory powers, you have delays on the border with Europe.
The whole issue with the border is based on the concept of trust. In the European Union, member states share laws, courts and enforcement procedures. They know that the rules on the slaughter of cattle, the electronic components of cars or the chemical compounds in childrens toys are all the same. They can take someone to court if something goes wrong, even if theyre in another country, because they have the same institutions. This creates trust. And thats why goods cross over national borders freely, with no checks.á
That has been particularly crucial in Ireland. After years of conflict,á áin the 90s on the basis of continued cooperation between the north and south of the island. And that meant, more than anything, an open border between the Republic of Ireland in the south and British Northern Ireland in the north.
But then Brexit came and blew it all to pieces. Instead of grappling with the hard choicesáthe vote required, May pretended that Brexiteers could have everything they wanted. London wouldáof regulatory decisions. And the border with Irelandá. The fact that these two promises were incompatible was never addressed. She just kept on pretending that it was all possible and that people should have greater faith.á
There was a weird, and very un British, quasi religious undercurrent to all this Ś a sense that things would work if you just believed in them hard enough, a hatred of practical judgment and a bubbling tide of chest beating jingoistic nationalism. Brexit was a political project based on the idea that identity politics could answer technocratic questions. If the technocratic question keeps proving problematic, you just need to have more faith in your identity. It was like trying to unlock a door with a slice of bread.á
That culture has not changed since the 2016 referendum. In the past week alone, three interviews exhibited the kind of fevered puritanism that Brexit has triggered. Conservative Member of Parliament Mark Francois responded to a letter from the German CEO of Airbus, warning that the company might move its factories out of Britain, byá and saying: My father, Reginald Francois, was a D Day veteran. He never submitted to bullying by any German; neither will his son. A former trade minister, Digby Jones,á that negotiations are facing difficulties because the Remainers and especially the establishment elite have set about sabotaging Brexit. One Brexit supporteráby the BBC about warnings from retailers over supply chains insisted that it would do the country good to go without food.
For her first two years in power, May kept pace with this new political culture. She acted like everyones Brexit dreams would come true and no trade offs would ever have to be made. And then, last summer, her Brexit strategy finally acknowledged reality.
This involved the backstop. It was an insurance policy. It said that sure, Britain could look for ways to maintain an open border with Ireland while taking control of regulatory decision making. But if that failed, which it would, Northern Ireland, at least,áwould have to lock into the E.U.s regulatory infrastructure so that the E.U. would know that the rules on things like cattle slaughter, the electronic components of cars and the chemicals in childrens toys were all the same. This would allow the border to stay open, without the need for checks. In essence, it promised that if the fairy tales failed, reality would take over, on a strict timetable.
The plan was Mays baby. She negotiated it. She even demanded it be extended from Northern Ireland toáthe whole áUnited Kingdom. But it was just too much bleak practical reality for the Brexiteers. So when she brought it to the House of Commons almost three weeks ago, lawmakers smashed it into a million pieces, withá.
After sheáreeled for a couple of weeks, Tuesdayánight saw May finally regain some sort of initiative: She grabbed hold of an amendment floating around by Conservative lawmaker Graham Brady and tried to use it to her advantage.á
It was a very strange and pointless amendment. It said,áin a not legally binding manner,áthat Parliamentáwould back the Brexit deal if alternative arrangements were found for the backstop. What were these alternative arrangements? How do you promise to keep a border open while simultaneously not promising to keep a border open? Brady couldnt say. Neither could the prime minister or any other member of her government. They had no idea what they were doing. They just needed someáwords, any words, that could win majority support in the Commons. The fact that the specific words they choseámade no sense was an advantage. If the amendment had made sense, someone would have taken offense at its implications. This is the logic of fairy tale politics. The most common idea among Brexiteers is that they will use high tech solutions to remove the need for checks at the border. But the technology they are wishing for does not exist anywhere on Earth. It is science fiction.
Not only did Bradys proposition have no meaning, it was common knowledge before it was voted on that itácould not be delivered. The E.U. has closed the talks on the withdrawal agreement. It has made it quite clear that they cannot be reopened. And even if they could, the backstop átook nearly two years to negotiate. There are only two months left before Britain leaves the E.U. Thats not enough time to do whatever it was lawmakers voted for Tuesday night.
Thats what made the debate soátruly pitiful. It was a return to the world of fairy tales and hallucinations, of the kind of quasi religious nationalist politics that have fueled the Brexit project from the start. British politicians were confronted with reality and given a chance to fix the problems with Brexit instead of pretending there werent any,áand they once again fled back into mythmaking.
The country is now on the verge of disaster. On March 29, unless something is done, Britaináwill fall out the European Union without a deal.áThatáwill affect every aspect of theáeconomy. Its likely to block haulageácargoá at the border; pulverize agricultural exports; trigger shortages of food, medicine and radioactive isotopes; spark employment chaos by suddenly canceling the mutual recognition of qualifications between British and European institutions; halt the legal basis for data transfer overnight; and lead to massive and sudden flows of immigration in both directions. The list goes on and on. There is no part of society that is unaffected. And yet not only does the British political class not seem to understand the consequences of what it is doing, it is lost in populist fantasies instead of addressing the cold reality.
Britain is one of the richest and most advanced democracies in the world. It is currently locked in a room, babbling away to itself hysterically while threatening to blow its own kneecaps off. This is what nationalist populism does to a country.á
Twitter: @IanDunt
Read more fromá:
Follow our updates oná andá.á
-------------------------------------------
The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post - Duration: 2:37.
The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post
Perspective Interpretation of the news based on evidence, including data, as well as anticipating how events might unfold based on past events
On Tuesday, British Prime Minister Theresa Mayá that her party reject her own Brexit plan so she could go back to negotiations with the European Union and dismantle aná with the continent, on an impossiblyáfast timeline, during talks thatá. On every level, it is an insane way to behave. The British government is actively sabotaging the work it has spent the past two years completing and then doing a victory dance.
áThe problems all lie with something called the Irish backstop. You wouldnt know it, given how deranged the party has become about it, but it is a Conservative idea. Their problem was simple: They wanted two contradictory things. On the one hand, the Brexit campaign during the referendum promised to take back control from Brussels. That meant returning regulatory decision making to London. But on the other, it promised that everything would continue as before, with no effect on trade. That is impossible, because as soon as you take back regulatory powers, you have delays on the border with Europe.
The whole issue with the border is based on the concept of trust. In the European Union, member states share laws, courts and enforcement procedures. They know that the rules on the slaughter of cattle, the electronic components of cars or the chemical compounds in childrens toys are all the same. They can take someone to court if something goes wrong, even if theyre in another country, because they have the same institutions. This creates trust. And thats why goods cross over national borders freely, with no checks.á
That has been particularly crucial in Ireland. After years of conflict,á áin the 90s on the basis of continued cooperation between the north and south of the island. And that meant, more than anything, an open border between the Republic of Ireland in the south and British Northern Ireland in the north.
But then Brexit came and blew it all to pieces. Instead of grappling with the hard choicesáthe vote required, May pretended that Brexiteers could have everything they wanted. London wouldáof regulatory decisions. And the border with Irelandá. The fact that these two promises were incompatible was never addressed. She just kept on pretending that it was all possible and that people should have greater faith.á
There was a weird, and very un British, quasi religious undercurrent to all this Ś a sense that things would work if you just believed in them hard enough, a hatred of practical judgment and a bubbling tide of chest beating jingoistic nationalism. Brexit was a political project based on the idea that identity politics could answer technocratic questions. If the technocratic question keeps proving problematic, you just need to have more faith in your identity. It was like trying to unlock a door with a slice of bread.á
That culture has not changed since the 2016 referendum. In the past week alone, three interviews exhibited the kind of fevered puritanism that Brexit has triggered. Conservative Member of Parliament Mark Francois responded to a letter from the German CEO of Airbus, warning that the company might move its factories out of Britain, byá and saying: My father, Reginald Francois, was a D Day veteran. He never submitted to bullying by any German; neither will his son. A former trade minister, Digby Jones,á that negotiations are facing difficulties because the Remainers and especially the establishment elite have set about sabotaging Brexit. One Brexit supporteráby the BBC about warnings from retailers over supply chains insisted that it would do the country good to go without food.
For her first two years in power, May kept pace with this new political culture. She acted like everyones Brexit dreams would come true and no trade offs would ever have to be made. And then, last summer, her Brexit strategy finally acknowledged reality.
This involved the backstop. It was an insurance policy. It said that sure, Britain could look for ways to maintain an open border with Ireland while taking control of regulatory decision making. But if that failed, which it would, Northern Ireland, at least,áwould have to lock into the E.U.s regulatory infrastructure so that the E.U. would know that the rules on things like cattle slaughter, the electronic components of cars and the chemicals in childrens toys were all the same. This would allow the border to stay open, without the need for checks. In essence, it promised that if the fairy tales failed, reality would take over, on a strict timetable.
The plan was Mays baby. She negotiated it. She even demanded it be extended from Northern Ireland toáthe whole áUnited Kingdom. But it was just too much bleak practical reality for the Brexiteers. So when she brought it to the House of Commons almost three weeks ago, lawmakers smashed it into a million pieces, withá.
After sheáreeled for a couple of weeks, Tuesdayánight saw May finally regain some sort of initiative: She grabbed hold of an amendment floating around by Conservative lawmaker Graham Brady and tried to use it to her advantage.á
It was a very strange and pointless amendment. It said,áin a not legally binding manner,áthat Parliamentáwould back the Brexit deal if alternative arrangements were found for the backstop. What were these alternative arrangements? How do you promise to keep a border open while simultaneously not promising to keep a border open? Brady couldnt say. Neither could the prime minister or any other member of her government. They had no idea what they were doing. They just needed someáwords, any words, that could win majority support in the Commons. The fact that the specific words they choseámade no sense was an advantage. If the amendment had made sense, someone would have taken offense at its implications. This is the logic of fairy tale politics. The most common idea among Brexiteers is that they will use high tech solutions to remove the need for checks at the border. But the technology they are wishing for does not exist anywhere on Earth. It is science fiction.
Not only did Bradys proposition have no meaning, it was common knowledge before it was voted on that itácould not be delivered. The E.U. has closed the talks on the withdrawal agreement. It has made it quite clear that they cannot be reopened. And even if they could, the backstop átook nearly two years to negotiate. There are only two months left before Britain leaves the E.U. Thats not enough time to do whatever it was lawmakers voted for Tuesday night.
Thats what made the debate soátruly pitiful. It was a return to the world of fairy tales and hallucinations, of the kind of quasi religious nationalist politics that have fueled the Brexit project from the start. British politicians were confronted with reality and given a chance to fix the problems with Brexit instead of pretending there werent any,áand they once again fled back into mythmaking.
The country is now on the verge of disaster. On March 29, unless something is done, Britaináwill fall out the European Union without a deal.áThatáwill affect every aspect of theáeconomy. Its likely to block haulageácargoá at the border; pulverize agricultural exports; trigger shortages of food, medicine and radioactive isotopes; spark employment chaos by suddenly canceling the mutual recognition of qualifications between British and European institutions; halt the legal basis for data transfer overnight; and lead to massive and sudden flows of immigration in both directions. The list goes on and on. There is no part of society that is unaffected. And yet not only does the British political class not seem to understand the consequences of what it is doing, it is lost in populist fantasies instead of addressing the cold reality.
Britain is one of the richest and most advanced democracies in the world. It is currently locked in a room, babbling away to itself hysterically while threatening to blow its own kneecaps off. This is what nationalist populism does to a country.á
Twitter: @IanDunt
Read more fromá:
Follow our updates oná andá.á
-------------------------------------------
North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:42.
For more infomation >> North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:42. -------------------------------------------
Roger Stone Will Be Back In A Washington DC Court Friday - Duration: 0:27.
For more infomation >> Roger Stone Will Be Back In A Washington DC Court Friday - Duration: 0:27. -------------------------------------------
You cant have it all � even with Medicare for all The Washington Post - Duration: 1:49.
You cant have it all — even with Medicare for all The Washington Post
Opinion Interpretation of the news based on evidence, including data, as well as anticipating how events might unfold based on past events
SEN. KAMALA D. HARRIS D Calif. , a freshly minted presidential candidate, an appealing picture of Medicare for all at a CNN town hall on Monday. Yes, she said, the plan would require doing away with insurance companies. But, she argued, who would miss them? Who of us has not had that situation where youve got to wait for approval and the doctor says, Well, I dont know if your insurance company is going to cover this? Lets eliminate all of that, lets move on.
Actually, no one can really eliminate all of that — not Ms. Harris and not possible 2020 candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders I Vt. . Even if the United States adopted Medicare for all or some other version of national health insurance, Americans would not get everything they want whenever they want it. No one, in any country, does.
Ms. Harris and other Medicare for all advocates expect that the country would save money and hassle if the government, not insurance companies, paid for Americans health care. Insurance company profits and marketing costs could be redirected to health care. Whether the savings would be as large as expected; whether the government could manage things more efficiently; whether Americans really want to disrupt the existing system — all of those are legitimate questions for debate.
But what Medicare for all could not do — and what Ms. Harris and others who may tout the idea during the coming campaign cannot claim honestly — is end health care rationing. Doctors, or somebody, would still have to tell patients that some procedures or prescription drugs are covered and some are not. The government would have to decide what does get covered. Some people would still be upset, convinced that federal bureaucrats denied them life changing or life saving treatment.
A spokesman for Ms. Harris argued to us that at least those federal bureaucrats would not be motivated to restrain costs in order to maximize profits, as insurance companies are, which might lead to different choices about what gets paid for. Perhaps, but the fact remains that the government would have to manage costs, which would require hard nosed rationing, or else the already daunting challenge of paying for single payer would become even more so. Government health care systems in the European social democracies, the models that supposedly prove that Medicare for all can work as described, are in fact far less generous than the proposed Sanders Harris .
If the nation were building a health care system from scratch, single payer might be the rational choice. Even now, with many Americans reasonably satisfied with their employer sponsored coverage, politicians can make an argument that theyd be better off in a different system. But they should not make that argument by exaggerating the benefits or lowballing the costs of single payer, as Medicare for all advocates so often do. Any system will demand tradeoffs and constraints.
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-------------------------------------------
Washington Beats Lincoln - Duration: 0:30.
For more infomation >> Washington Beats Lincoln - Duration: 0:30. -------------------------------------------
Washington State ABLE Campaign TV Commercial 2019 - Duration: 0:31.
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-------------------------------------------
The lessons that could sustain Nancy Pelosis power The Washington Post - Duration: 3:03.
The lessons that could sustain Nancy Pelosis power The Washington Post
Cokie Roberts is an author and a commentator for ABC News and NPR.
It would be difficult to find two people more seemingly dissimilar than the elegant, coifed, California by way of Baltimore Catholic mother of five who serves as the and the squat, bald Texas Baptist bachelor who held the job longer than anyone else. Other than the fact that they both have served interrupted terms as speaker, what else could Nancy Pelosi and possibly share?
As one of Mr. Sams chosen children, a surrogate grandchild who could call on the old gentleman for such duties as presiding over the funeral of a pet chicken, I think I can answer that question. Rayburn had adopted my parents, Hale Boggs eventually House majority leader and Lindy Boggs eventually a nine term member of Congress , when they came to Washington as 20 somethings in 1941.
Mr. Speaker often invited himself to dinner, giving us the opportunity to know the man and absorb his wisdom. When we were kids, Nancy DAlesandro was another congressional brat, in an era when we all knew each other and, over the years, the families stayed in touch. So heres what the two speakers share: toughness, tenacity, a good deal of common sense, a passion for service to the country and, yes, a sweetness, especially in the presence of children.
As Pelosi begins her second stint as the highest ranking woman in government, she can learn lessons from the powerful speaker from Texas, some already passed on to her via my mother. One that Pelosi often quotes: Dont fight every fight as if its your last fight. Heres another regular Rayburn refrain often repeated in our house: Tell the truth the first time, then you dont have to remember what you said.
That adage one of many Rayburn aphorisms couldnt be more important than at this moment when facts fall victim to political arguments. Not only are the facts themselves essential to the making of public policy, but also Pelosi knows they have to be presented honestly, that she has to level with members on both sides of the aisle and the general public.
Like Pelosi, Rayburn also had to manage the frustrations that come from managing a fractious Democratic Party. Circumstances sometimes called for him to beseech and bludgeon his members into compliance, passing by just one vote four months before Pearl Harbor. Failure to have done so would have left the country scrambling for manpower after the attack.
Almost as tough, and one I well remember: the expansion of the House Rules Committee in 1961, making it possible to pass the monumental civil rights legislation of the 1960s. He waged and won that battle at age 79.
Pelosi faces daunting challenges — a government shutdown right out of the box could serve as a cautionary tale of whats to come — but she believes in fighting hard for goals you really believe in. There, too, Rayburn serves as an example. To paraphrase his Texas protege, Lyndon B. Johnson, what is the speakership for, if not that.
Then theres the question of tactics. Generally, Rayburn got the votes through what he called persuasion and reason and the forging of personal friendships. Outsiders might rail against inside the Beltway chumminess, but, in fact, todays hyperpartisanship has destroyed across the aisle camaraderie. Pelosi knows how valuable personal relationships can be when it comes to governing. Those friendships flourished in the Rayburn regime and would be welcome again if the true believers in each party would allow them.
My personal favorite of the many Rayburns aphorisms — Legislation should never be designed to punish anyone — should be etched into the stone wall of the Capitol Rotunda. Congress is here to help — not hurt — everyone, not just the people who vote for you.
To these lessons, Id resoundingly reaffirm the one Pelosi always graciously gives my mother credit for teaching her: Know thy power. Mamma had known Nancy since she was a little girl whose father served in Congress with mine. In 1984, they sought each other out when my mother, by then a six term congresswoman herself and a member of the site selection committee for the Democratic National Convention, visited San Francisco, where Pelosi was chairing the host committee.
As Pelosi tells the story, she fretted that she had so many honors bestowed on her, maybe she should shed a few. Mammas reply: Darlin, no man would ever, ever have that thought.
As the first female speaker, Pelosi must look at the dour portraits of her predecessors and think theres no way to connect with them. But with Rayburns lessons to learn from, along with the words of my mother, Pelosi can depend on the wisdom of those who came before her, as she sets a precedent all her own.
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