Thứ Bảy, 2 tháng 2, 2019

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ROBERT COSTA: President Trump downplays disagreements over intelligence and declares no

wall, no deal. I'm Robert Costa. Welcome to Washington Week.

President Trump tells his intelligence chiefs to go back to school following their stark

assessment of threats from North Korea -

DIRECTOR OF NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE DAN COATS: (From video.) North Korea will seek to

retain its WMD capabilities and is unlikely to completely give up its nuclear weapons and

production capabilities.

ROBERT COSTA: - ISIS -

DIRECTOR OF NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE DAN COATS: (From video.) ISIS is intent on resurging

and still commands thousands of fighters in Iraq and Syria.

ROBERT COSTA: - and Russian interference.

FBI DIRECTOR CHRISTOPHER WRAY: (From video.) Not only have the Russians continued to do

it in 2018, but we've seen indication that they're continuing to adapt their model and

that other countries are taking a very interested eye in that approach.

ROBERT COSTA: Plus, the president calls bipartisan border talks a waste of time.

We cover it all next.

ANNOUNCER: This is Washington Week. Once again, from Washington, moderator Robert Costa.

ROBERT COSTA: Good evening. There were cracks this week between President Trump and

intelligence leaders, and between the president and fellow Republicans.

By an overwhelming bipartisan vote, the GOP-controlled Senate opposed the president's

plan to withdraw U.S. forces from Syria and Afghanistan.

Peter Baker wrote this week that, quote, "the disconnect between President Trump and the

Republican establishment on foreign policy has rarely been as stark." The move by

Majority Leader McConnell comes as the president also diverged from his intelligence chiefs.

Joining me tonight are Peter Baker, chief White House correspondent for The New York

Times; Bob Woodward, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, author, and associate editor at The

Washington Post; Shawna Thomas, Washington bureau chief for Vice News; and Nancy Cordes,

chief congressional correspondent for CBS News. Bob, welcome back to Washington Week.

BOB WOODWARD: Thank you.

ROBERT COSTA: Watching those clips of Director of National Intelligence - Director of

National Intelligence Dan Coats, we see all these assessments, all these conclusions, yet

there's this gap between them and President Trump. Why is there a gap?

He's getting the daily brief from these leaders every day.

BOB WOODWARD: Yes, and of course the intel community is in many ways a priesthood, and

it's a closed system. And, in fact, at the CIA they call the president the "first

customer" and everything is to be funneled to him.

And then to have the president - commander in chief, the "first customer" - kick them so

hard and say you need to go back to school, you're naive, is insulting, and as we find in

the Trump presidency, it's not in Trump's own interest. Even if he feels that, he

should call them in and say, hey, guys, go back to school, or something like that.

And as we are just a little month or at some point there's going to be a Trump-Kim

Jong-un summit again, you can't go into that divided, and you've got to have some

knowledge about why does North Korea have nuclear weapons.

They have nuclear weapons because they believe it's a deterrent and it gives them

leverage in a very important way. And the intel people have been telling Trump for a

long time, hey, they're not going to give up their nuclear weapons. So there's a divide.

ROBERT COSTA: Shawna, you were there in Singapore during the last Kim Jong-un-President

Trump summit. What does what happened this week mean for the next one this month?

SHAWNA THOMAS: I mean, I think - the thing is, the president wanted to do that summit.

He clearly said it over and over again, and they made that summit happen for him.

He has said he wants to do another one. The reporting out there and what we're hearing

from our international partners is that it's probably going to be in Vietnam.

If he wants to do it, he has an entire infrastructure to make another one happen.

And clearly, Kim wants to do it as well. So I think we're going to see another summit.

I think the question about what the intelligence chiefs were saying versus what

President Trump was saying, we also have the added problem that is confusing to our

foreign partners: What do we actually believe? What is actually true?

Should we believe anything that the ambassadors or anyone else tells them if the

president is saying that?

How do you make any decisions in the world if you really do not know what America wants?

ROBERT COSTA: What did you learn, Peter, when you sat down with your colleague Maggie

Haberman with the president in the Oval Office this week?

Is he isolated from his own intelligence officials?

PETER BAKER: Well, he told us no, that he had brought them in and everything turns out

to be fine. The only problem was the media, of course, misinterpreted what the

intelligence chiefs had to say; that's what he told us.

What's really fascinating about the way he described the conversation he had with them,

though, was how he operates and how the people around him operate, right?

He brings in Dan Coats, the director of national intelligence; Gina Haspel, the CIA

director; he says, I understand, he says, you're going out there saying Iran is a

wonderful place. Iran's not a wonderful place. And they say, sir, we don't think

Iran is a wonderful place and, you know, we've been misinterpreted.

He says, well, then, therefore, the media misinterpreted.

They never said, of course, that Iran was a wonderful place, nor did we say that.

SHAWNA THOMAS: And neither did - neither did the media, yeah.

PETER BAKER: Neither did the media.

We reported correctly that they said - and everybody saw live on television themselves -

was that they said Iran isn't currently building a nuclear weapon.

And the president sort of has created this strawman, in effect, where he says, well, they

didn't say this thing - which they never said - therefore, it must be the media, and now

everything's fine. And it's interesting because it talks about how the president

lives in his own space and the people around him are trying to, you know, keep him,

you know, happy, more or less, without having to sacrifice the - what the professionals

tell them at Langley and across the CIA and across the intelligence network.

SHAWNA THOMAS: Also, we're not talking about the big thing that actually got talked

about in that hearing, which was the cyber threats.

PETER BAKER: Yeah, exactly.

SHAWNA THOMAS: The cyber threats from China, the cyber threats from Russia, because

we're litigating did they say what they said because - we heard them say it.

And that is - that's going to affect this election, that's going to affect our - it could

affect our power grids, it could affect so many other things, and we don't have room for

that conversation for some reason.

ROBERT COSTA: You had a(n) exchange, Nancy, with Senate Majority Leader McConnell about

all of this. What has been the reaction among Republicans on Capitol Hill as

they watch this president handle his own intelligence community this way?

NANCY CORDES: Well, he claimed to have no idea what had happened in the hearing.

In fairness, I did ask him about it on the day of the hearing. But, you know, this is

something that was all over the news. It was being talked about in the halls of Congress.

So the notion that he was unaware that the president's hand-picked intelligence advisors

were saying something so markedly different from what the president has said in the past

is somewhat not believable.

I think another thing that got buried in that hearing was something very striking that

the intelligence advisors all said, which is that at the same time that Russia and China

are more united than they have been since the 1950s, U.S. allies are pulling away from

us, and the reasons they cited for that are because of U.S. policies on security and trade.

Those are the president's policies, and it's a pretty striking indictment coming from his

own top intelligence officials.

BOB WOODWARD: But what can cripple Trump in this is he goes to a summit with Kim Jong-un

and he has this expectation, oh, I can get him to give up his nukes, and he doesn't.

And beware of somebody like Trump when he is disappointed and when he feels somebody has

pulled the rug out from under him, and even if he's been told by the world and his

intelligence people don't expect that.

Look, North Korea is there for - it gives him tremendous leverage.

Countries don't give up nuclear weapons. Libya did, and look what happened there.

ROBERT COSTA: And the Democrats were pretty alarmed by all this.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer released an open letter to intelligence officials

urging them to hold an intervention for the president.

Schumer wrote in part, quote, "You cannot allow the president's ill-advised and

unwarranted comments today to stand. He is putting you and your colleagues in

an untenable position." And Speaker Pelosi responded this way.

HOUSE SPEAKER NANCY PELOSI (D-CA): (From video.) The president just doesn't seem to have

the attention span or the desire to hear what the intelligence community has been telling him.

ROBERT COSTA: Bob was talking about how North Korea sees its own deterrence with its own

nuclear arsenal, but what about the rest of the world, talking about the U.S.'s role in

it? How do they see these tensions between the intelligence officials and President Trump?

PETER BAKER: Well, for instance, in Moscow you hear Vladimir Putin basically playing to

President Trump's own distrust of his agencies, right?

This is built on a fact that two years or more of a suspicion between President Trump and

these organizations, which started his presidency by telling him that his election was

not valid, in effect, that's the way he sees it. They came to him, said, Russia influenced

the election. And his mind, it questioned his very legitimacy as president.

He didn't trust the ones who came to them then. They were the Obama appointees.

He doesn't trust the ones who are coming to him now, even though he appointed them.

And his deep state idea has created a gulf between them. And his view is, look, they got

the Iraq War wrong. They got the Iraq weapons of mass destruction wrong. Why should I

trust them? I don't believe my election was fake. Therefore, I don't trust them.

ROBERT COSTA: Well, now that Mattis is gone - Secretary Mattis is gone, Gary Cohn gone

from inside of the White House. For the next two years - Bob, you've reported in your

book, "Fear," about this - who's going to maybe pull the president back toward the

center, back toward the mainstream inside?

BOB WOODWARD: I don't know, but, I mean, they've got to do it collectively somehow, the

intelligence chief, and make that argument: Look, Mr. President, we're just telling you

what we find. Let's have a discussion about this. Not - this impulse decision making is

very dangerous in this climate. And remember, it was President Obama in his last months

in office actually considered: Maybe we have to launch a preemptive strike on North Korea

to get rid of all their nuclear weapons. And the intelligence people told Obama: We won't

get them all. And Obama said, quite naturally, no. So this is kind of one of these

moments where fork in the road. It can take the dangerous fork, where we go off the cliff.

ROBERT COSTA: And it's not just what we saw from the intelligence testimony. There's

more news on this front day-in and day-out. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced

Friday that the U.S. is pulling out of a nuclear arms control treaty with Russia.

SECRETARY OF STATE MIKE POMPEO: (From video.) Russia has jeopardized the United States' security

interests. And we can no longer be restricted by the treaty while Russia shamelessly violates it.

ROBERT COSTA: Shawna, we see the U.S. moving away from its Cold War stance.

Yes, they say Russia was violating the treaty. But what to make of this

development, in light of everything that happened earlier in the week?

SHAWNA THOMAS: Well, this is something they have been hinting at for a while that they

wanted to get out of the treaty. I do think it is worth pointing out that Obama's State

Department multiple times said that Russia was violating this treaty. NATO has said Russia

is violating this treaty. The question is, is the right reaction for the United States to

say: We are going to pull out of it? And so that - and presumably we could also build

different types of weapons, and things like that. But does that - the problem is that

could just create an arms race. That doesn't really solve the problem. But the other

issue is, what else do we sanction on Russia? How else do we put pressure on them?

And it's interesting that they are not using any of those diplomatic tactics.

But I also am curious about what else could we do to Russia?

ROBERT COSTA: Peter, you're a former Moscow bureau chief. Stepping back, this is about

the U.S. and Russia, and missiles in Europe. At the same time is also about China?

PETER BAKER: Yeah. Exactly. In fact, there's no real desire at this point to put

missiles in Europe in the way it was happening in the 1980s.

I mean, Reagan and Gorbachev signed this treaty because they had the Pershing missiles in

Western Europe, and the SS-20s in Eastern Europe, and it was a very volatile, dangerous

situation. That's not where we're at today. But for the American side, for the Trump

administration in particular, there's a worry about China developing weapons that we

wouldn't be able to counter. And they're not part of this treaty.

It may be that the solution is to actually bring China into kind of a treaty like that,

but that's not what we've heard so far.

SHAWNA THOMAS: And do diplomacy, yeah.

PETER BAKER: Do diplomacy. And President Trump is a skeptic of multilateral agreements.

So is John Bolton, his national security advisor. And the real worry is that this INF

treaty might not be all that significant in this day in age, all these years later, but

if it's tearing apart the larger architecture of arms control, where does it lead?

BOB WOODWARD: The real issue is NATO. And as Mattis said before he left, and said many

times, if NATO didn't exist we would have to invent it. And Russia will never win a war

in Europe as long as NATO's there. And so if you can hold that together - but, again,

Trump is repeatedly denouncing NATO and saying they're not paying enough money. We're suckers.

And so that's the key, is keep NATO together, and I think just strategically that's very

powerful. But if you start weakening NATO, you go in the wrong direction.

ROBERT COSTA: So Secretary Pompeo and President Trump, they're crafting foreign policy.

They're coming up with their own ideas. But if you think about Senate Majority Leader

Mitch McConnell, he's also rebuking President Trump.

(Phone rings.) His own decisions on Syria and Afghanistan.

BOB WOODWARD: No one ever calls me. (Laughter.)

NANCY CORDES: It's a source. It's a big source. Who's calling Bob Woodward right now?

(Laughter.) SHAWNA THOMAS: Maybe the president's watching.

PETER BAKER: The president's watching. Yeah, yeah.

SHAWNA THOMAS: The president did not like something you just said. (Laughter.)

ROBERT COSTA: It was the president calling. Bob Woodward, even on Friday night, never stops working.

PETER BAKER: Working hard.

SHAWNA THOMAS: The president heard what you said NATO, so. (Laughter.)

ROBERT COSTA: So back to Majority Leader McConnell - BOB WOODWARD: I apologize.

ROBERT COSTA: Bob, it's all good. You're Bob Woodward. (Laughter.) So Majority Leader

McConnell. He is saying to the president - he steps back on almost - a lot of fronts.

He steps back and says: I don't want to meddle with this president. But on Syria and

Afghanistan, the Senate Republicans rebuked their own president. What is going on?

NANCY CORDES: Right. I mean, look, as we discussed a few minutes ago, McConnell is

very reluctant to criticize this president on a whole host of issues.

I know I ask him about the president every week. He does whatever he can to avoid

critiquing the president. And yet, on Syria, it was his amendment.

He didn't leave it someone else in leadership or some other rank and file senator.

He introduced the amendment himself rebuking the president's position on pulling troops

out of Syria and Afghanistan. And that just shows - this amendment doesn't have teeth.

It can't force the president to do anything. But it is a very strong signal to

the White House: Republicans in Congress believe you are going down the wrong path.

ROBERT COSTA: Real quick, is McConnell pushing this, or is he getting pressure from rank and file?

NANCY CORDES: I think it's both. I think that - you know, that they're very concerned

that the president is going to kind of go off without a plan here and yank troops out.

And they've heard very worrying things about the prospect of doing that.

They saw the secretary of defense, who they greatly admired, resign when the president

made this policy. They worry that it's going to be very destabilizing.

ROBERT COSTA: So we'll keep an eye on all this foreign policy.

But the other standoff in Washington is over the budget, and funding for a border wall.

As the mid-February deadline nears, the president is certainly skeptical that a

bipartisan committee can cut a deal that he'd sign. Mr. Trump told the Times, quote,

"The wall talks are a waste of time." And he continues to lash out at Speaker Pelosi.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) I think Nancy Pelosi's hurting our country very

badly by doing what she's doing. And ultimately, I think I've set the table very nicely.

ROBERT COSTA: Set the table for a national emergency?

PETER BAKER: That's what we asked him. And that's certainly the implication. He wouldn't

directly say that, but that's his - that's his option on the table at the moment.

He said he would let these current talks for the next two weeks play out, but he didn't

expect them to go anywhere. He basically washed his hands of it. And the national

emergency is his way out. Now, it's a very controversial idea. Even his own Republican

Caucus is very nervous about this. They've been critical of President Obama for presidential

overreach. And they said it's a dangerous precedent if President Trump tries it.

But it's maybe they only way he can get out that keeps another government shutdown from

happening, which his own caucus also doesn't want to have.

SHAWNA THOMAS: I think the interesting thing is - I went to the first meeting of the

conference committee with the Republicans and the Democrats, House and Senate.

And, you know, in that room they did not sound that far apart on funding the Department

of Homeland Security. They all want border security. They all want more Border Patrol agents.

They all want to do something about trafficking. They all want to do something about drugs.

The only thing keeping these two parties apart was the wall, and the idea of the wall,

and funding. And Republicans were saying: We got to figure out a way to give him

something. Democrats right now are saying their opening bid has no money for a wall.

But it's - if he could actually leave it alone, and he was willing to sign what they gave

him, I think those parties could come together and actually fund the Department of Homeland Security.

ROBERT COSTA: Would a national emergency ruin those talks? Or could those talks

actually come up with a deal regardless of what the president does with executive action?

NANCY CORDES: Well, these are appropriators. They can do this in their sleep.

I mean, they are used to working out the nitty-gritty and they can come up with a deal

that contains billions of dollars in border security funding.

The problem is going to come at the end when Republicans are trying to sell this to the

president, and they can't tell whether he's on board or not, because they're going to be

unwilling to sign off if they don't know where he's going to be, because that leaves them

out on a limb crosswise with the base, if they present this to the world and then the

president said: Oh, not good enough. It doesn't have wall funding.

ROBERT COSTA: Is this a governing crisis?

BOB WOODWARD: It sure could be. What's interesting in this, and it has to get on the

table, is it possible that Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats will give and say: Look, it's

not that much money. We're the ones that are going to break the gridlock?

We will show a little flexibility and we'll give you something here, Mr. President?

Now, they have made it a matter of life and death, which is always bad in your negotiations.

PETER BAKER: Right, this is the problem for them, exactly. A lot of them have voted

for walls in the past. It's not like this is a big thing, in essence.

But by making it "immoral," which is what Pelosi says, it's really hard to come down, and

their own base would be very upset at them just like President Trump's base might be

upset at him. So they're both, you know, locked into these positions that are

really hard to compromise on.

ROBERT COSTA: And the Republicans seem wary, Shawna, of having another shutdown.

Thirty-five days they took their beatings in the polls about it.

Senators like Rob Portman of Ohio are proposing legislation to end shutdowns, to make

sure they never happen again.

SHAWNA THOMAS: Yeah, through just automatically doing continuing resolutions.

I mean, the thing is everybody on the Hill knows the government shutdown was a bad idea.

It was 35 days. It was hundreds of thousands of people not getting paid and many of

them working while not getting paid, and we saw what those people can do when they

rise up and say we're not necessarily going to come to work.

So it's one of those things where nobody wants to cause a shutdown, but it goes back to

Nancy's point; if you don't know what the president is going to sign, what do you do?

And I think in some ways maybe what they do is give enough money on border security and

then hopefully the president will figure out a way to spin it and call it a win for himself.

NANCY CORDES: This all comes down, I think, at the end of the day to your definition of

a wall. You know, if you have a wall-like fence or a fence-like wall or some kind of barrier, as

everyone now describes it, you know, can Democrats say we didn't give on the wall, and

can Republicans sell it to the president as it's a barrier, it's going to keep people

out, you know - it may not be made out of the material you like, but it is - but it's enough?

BOB WOODWARD: I don't know whether it's just tragic or sick - (laughter) - that we're

having this kind of a debate in Washington over an issue where you - it doesn't take a

lot of data or investigation to puncture this idea of somehow the wall is necessary. It's not.

ROBERT COSTA: Well, they didn't even mention - the intelligence chiefs didn't even

mention the crisis at the border or the need for a wall.

They talked about drugs coming over the border, but mostly through legal ports of entry.

SHAWNA THOMAS: They talked about migration in the threat assessment a little bit, but it

is definitely not the focus of the worldwide threats hearing or the assessment.

But I think it's one of the things that when - during the government shutdown my team

talked to some border - not Border Patrol agents; we talked to some prison guards, and

one of the things they said to us was, you know, we - some of them were Trump supporters

and they said walls work. Like, we're prison guards; walls work. But they don't work

without the people there. They were so rational about it that you can build all the walls

you want, but if no one's actually watching those walls people are still going to come over.

PETER BAKER: So now - and of course, they'll probably - you got a 2,000-mile border.

There are places where experts would say a wall might be useful and some places where

they say it's unnecessary, and the problem is the debate is now ideological rather than

practical. Rather than say, OK, let's look at this 2,000-mile border and

actually evaluate what might work best here or there, it's become a question

of, you know - of manhood, right - that's what Pelosi said about the

president - and a question of who is going to back down. Nobody wants to lose face.

ROBERT COSTA: A big - a big test is going to be Tuesday night, State of the Union.

Does the president - brinkmanship?

Is that what appears in his speech on Tuesday, or is it more of a conciliatory tone?

NANCY CORDES: Well, that's kind of in his wheelhouse, so I'm assuming there will be at

least some brinksmanship and a lot about, you know - as we've heard in his last couple

State of the Unions, a lot about, you know, the dangers of illegal immigration and, you

know, the rampant crime that is resulting from it. And you know, so I think

especially right now as we're looking at - as we're staring at this February 15th

deadline, he is going to be making that case in a more full-throated way than ever.

BOB WOODWARD: Big, big trouble, possibly.

And the idea - again, I hate - I hate to go back to the overall; what's this about?

ROBERT COSTA: What is it about?

BOB WOODWARD: This is about small amounts of money and a fixed idea that Trump has.

And if you spend enough time, as all of you know, talking to people who meet with Trump,

and he'll say these are my ideas, and they'll try to challenge him, and where did you get

that idea? Oh, well, I've had that idea for 30 years, and if you disagree with me

you're wrong. And so he's - he gets his feet in cement on something like that. And if

he declares an emergency and it goes to the courts, you know who's also going to pay?

The people in this country and the Democrats because there's no victory in the courts

these days because it takes too long.

ROBERT COSTA: We shall see. We'll be watching Tuesday. Thanks, everybody, for

joining us tonight. Next Tuesday be sure to tune in to the PBS NewsHour for coverage

of the president's State of the Union address. I'll join Judy Woodruff and the team

there. And for now, our conversation continues on the Washington Week Podcast. Find

it on your favorite app or on our website. I'm Robert Costa. Have a great weekend.

For more infomation >> A war of words over intelligence and a budget battle, round two - Duration: 24:18.

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Looking ahead to the State of the Union - Duration: 10:24.

ROBERT COSTA: Hello. I'm Robert Costa. And this is the Washington Week Podcast.

The State of the Union address is next week Tuesday, after a 35-day shutdown and with

negotiations to avert another are pretty much going nowhere. So what is the state of the union?

We have a great panel assembled to break it all down: Peter Baker, chief White House

correspondent for The New York Times; Shawna Thomas, Washington bureau chief for Vice

News; Nancy Cordes, chief congressional correspondent for CBS News; and Bob Woodward,

Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, and author, and associate editor at The Washington Post.

The annual State of the Union address is an event infused with history and politics.

Last year women there wore black to honor the #MeToo movement.

Guests are often invited by both sides to make a political point.

This year an undocumented worker, a former employee at one of the president's clubs, will

be in the audience. The first DACA recipient to become a Rhodes scholar will also be there.

Democrat Stacey Abrams, who narrowly lost her bid to be the first African-American female

governor, will give the Democratic response. The president had this to say about Ms. Abrams.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: (From video.) Oh, I campaigned against Stacey Abrams.

I know that President Obama campaigned for her, Michelle Obama campaigned for her, and

Oprah campaigned for her, and all Brian had was me, and he won fairly easily - you know,

fairly easily. So I hope that she does a good job. I mean, I respect her.

I don't know her, I haven't met her, but I hope she does a good job.

ROBERT COSTA: Nancy, based on your reporting roaming around the Capitol talking to

lawmakers, what do they want to hear from the president, the Republicans?

NANCY CORDES: Well, they'd like to her him make a case for an agenda that goes beyond a

border wall because, frankly, most Republicans don't share his passion for a wall and,

you know, his single-minded focus on this has really sucked a lot of the oxygen out of

the room and it has prevented them from advancing the rest of their agenda on Capitol

Hill. They don't see it as a winning issue for them. They've seen all the public

polling that blames him and Republicans for the shutdown more so than Democrats.

They don't think that declaring an emergency or, heaven forbid, another shutdown is going

to be any better for them, so they would really like to move off of this issue and on to

something else. But the more time that goes on, the more the president digs in.

So I think that they expect that he will spend a significant amount of time in this State

of the Union saying the kinds of things that we heard him say in interviews with people

like Peter this week, you know, that he believes that this is, you know, the defining

security issue that the U.S. is facing and that there's - there will be terrible

ramifications if this wall isn't built. If anything, he seems to be getting more dug in.

ROBERT COSTA: Shawna, what about the moment for Speaker Pelosi and Stacey Abrams?

SHAWNA THOMAS: I think for Speaker Pelosi, I mean, one of the reasons why it was - would

be so awkward to have had the State of the Union during the government shutdown is that

she would have had to sit behind him as he was talking about the state of the union, and

the state of the union was part of it was shut down. But it will show that they are in

some ways on equal footing. He is coming to her House to give that State of the Union.

He is - she is allowing him to do that. It'll be interesting to see her face and the reactions on that.

I also think this is a moment much like when this new Congress was sworn in earlier this

year, that people are going to look around in those cutaways of the cameras, and you're

going to see the Democratic side and you're going to see the Republican side, and the

Democrats are going to be full of women and it's going to be full of people of color, and

the Republican side is going to be full of white men. And that contrast, especially as

the president is talking about immigration, is going to be quite stark. As for Stacey

Abrams, giving the Democratic response is - it's terrible. It's a terrible assignment.

Or giving the response in general; it's not just Democrats, it's whoever's on the other side.

PETER BAKER: They couldn't find anybody who actually has an office to give it.

SHAWNA THOMAS: Exactly. And also, the pomp and circumstance of the State of the Union,

no matter who is president, is great. The lighting is great. The circumstances are great.

And then you are always going to cut to someone in a diner or someone coming down the

stairs of their house. There's no way to win on this one, just on the pure optics.

NANCY CORDES: Awkwardly drinking your water. (Laughter.)

SHAWNA THOMAS: It's not good.

ROBERT COSTA: Marco Rubio, I remember that - Senator Rubio.

SHAWNA THOMAS: But I'm hoping for the best. (Laughter.)

ROBERT COSTA: Well, the Democrats would love to see Stacey Abrams run for Senate in Georgia in 2020.

SHAWNA THOMAS: So this is her chance to kind of get out there in some ways.

BOB WOODWARD: But let's face what this is and who Trump is. He truly has become - I

mean, looking at your wonderful interview with him, he is America's talk-show host, and

he is up there commenting on everything. He's got an idea. He's got an opinion.

Now, on the negative side, if he is going to do something to spend money for something

like a border wall, without that money being authorized by Congress, that is a real

serious step in the wrong direction for him, for the Constitution, for the kind of

rational government that we normally have. And so to pull that trigger is going to be a

big deal. And he kind intimated to you that he's going to do that, right?

I mean, what's that going to mean in the end? Not good for anyone.

ROBERT COSTA: Maybe he wants - if he's a theatrical person politically, maybe he wants

that moment at the State of the Union to declare a national emergency.

PETER BAKER: It might be. We asked him whether he would let out - he'd let the current

talks play out first. And he said, yes, I'll wait till February 15th. He could obviously do it.

I don't think he will. But he does like the State of the Union. He is a showman, right?

This is - he is theatrical. It is actually, we're told by advisors, one of the reasons

he agreed to reopen the government, because he didn't want to lose this moment.

It's the best moment of a year for a president, where they get to outline their agenda.

The trick is, it's going to be, what we hear, a mix of confrontation and conciliation,

right? He will at least try, according to his aides, say things like: We can work together

on infrastructure. We can work together on prescription drugs. There are things that

President Trump and a Democratic House, anyway, could find in common.

But as long as this festering sore of the border wall fight is there, that's going to

still dominate and make it hard for him to make that pivot.

NANCY CORDES: I do think that the State of the Union loses a little bit of its power

when you're in divided government, because when Republicans controlled the White House,

the House and the Senate, you're parsing every sentence because you're looking for clues

about what he and the party writ large are going to do over the next year.

You know, now he's not going to be able to do a lot of those things anyway, no matter how

he talks about them. And really, you know, the only major policy initiatives that are

going to get over the finish line are those that Democrats share with Republicans.

And so I agree with you, that it is going to be all about, you know, those areas of

agreement. And does he just pay lip service to, yeah, prescription drugs and infrastructure,

and we all want that? Or is there going to be some, you know, actual specific note of

compromise that will give people hope that maybe these two sides can find that compromise?

SHAWNA THOMAS: I'm not sure - but I'm not sure sort of politically the Democrats want to

find that compromise with him, even on things like infrastructure and prescription drugs,

that we all kind of agree are issues that need to be dealt with in this country.

Part of - part of the wall issue, and part of making it a moral issue, is about, to them,

to many of them, the wall is seen as racist because of his rhetoric beforehand.

And it is hard, especially with some of these freshmen Democrats, to separate that from

anything else that they have to do.

PETER BAKER: Right. He's a toxic figure on the left. And any compromise with him by leadership

will only get the Nancy Pelosi leadership in trouble with, you know, the AOCs of the Congress.

ROBERT COSTA: And the Democratic Party's already getting a little bit of a riptide from

the 2020 presidential race.

SHAWNA THOMAS: Exactly. There's already a thousand senators running for president on

the Democratic side. (Laughter.) That is not an exact number, clearly.

(Laughter.) But they are not - they can't really, in a Democratic primary, be seen as

compromising with the president of the United States, at least not currently.

ROBERT COSTA: Bob.

BOB WOODWARD: Yeah. Where's the high road in this? I'm not sure.

SHAWNA THOMAS: I haven't found one.

ROBERT COSTA: What about the no road, Bob? I mean, you've been a student of the

presidency, a reporter on the presidency for so long. And I wonder, has the State of

the Union been played out? Nancy Pelosi, the speaker, cancelled it for a couple weeks.

And some observers said -

BOB WOODWARD: And there were lots of people just sad and -

SHAWNA THOMAS: And we don't miss it. (Laughter.)

BOB WOODWARD: - and could not even get through the day waiting for that State of the

Union. (Laughter.) First, Trump normally does not like these scripted performances, as

Peter knows. But in fact, and I don't know the details on this - you would, all of

you - he has some good speech writers. He actually can deliver rhetorically. So if he

brings that - and I hope the speechwriters will call me tomorrow. (Laughter.) I would like to -

ROBERT COSTA: Get a little scoop.

BOB WOODWARD: I would like to speak to them. (Laughter.) I'll put out my phone number.

NANCY CORDES: They might be calling you right now.

PETER BAKER: They may have been calling you before.

BOB WOODWARD: Yes. That's maybe what it was. (Laughter.) No, it was not. But it's -

ROBERT COSTA: Woodward never reveals his sources. (Laughter.)

BOB WOODWARD: But the invitation for sources to come forward is always there.

NANCY CORDES: For all of us. For all of us. (Laughter.)

ROBERT COSTA: All right. Well, we'll all be watching Tuesday.

That's it for this edition of the Washington Week Podcast.

You can listen wherever you get your podcast or watch on the Washington Week website.

While you're online check out our Washington Week-ly News Quiz.

I'm Robert Costa. Thanks for joining us and we'll see you next time.

For more infomation >> Looking ahead to the State of the Union - Duration: 10:24.

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Why a Hillary Clinton 2020 campaign is unlikely - Duration: 3:11.

For more infomation >> Why a Hillary Clinton 2020 campaign is unlikely - Duration: 3:11.

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From racist yearbook photo to 'infanticide' comments: Va. Gov. Northam's tumultuous week - Duration: 2:38.

For more infomation >> From racist yearbook photo to 'infanticide' comments: Va. Gov. Northam's tumultuous week - Duration: 2:38.

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North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:34.

For more infomation >> North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:34.

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Pro-Brexit protester: Second referendum would be 'a sad day' for Britain - Duration: 2:24.

For more infomation >> Pro-Brexit protester: Second referendum would be 'a sad day' for Britain - Duration: 2:24.

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When they go low, Melania Trump calls her lawyers The Washington Post - Duration: 3:23.

When they go low, Melania Trump calls her lawyers The Washington Post

The life of a first lady, as told by tabloid newspapers, is a strange and dramatic one, spelled out in screeching fonts and accompanied by doctored photographs.

If the papers that line supermarket checkout lanes are to be believed, previous first ladies have: adopted a space alien baby; attacked the president and left claw marks on his cheek; snuck out of the White House at night for trysts with a secret agent boyfriend. Gained 95 pounds. Had liposuction. Carried on an affair with an alien named PLod.

But theres one thing that no first lady — until Melania Trump — has done in response to wildly negative and untruthful stories: Sued a publication.

Trump has won settlements against three outlets for false statements made during her husbands time in the White House. Her litigious strategy tracks with her willingness to push back on her critics by issuing harsh public statements.

This weekend, the British paper the and agreed to pay substantial damages after retracting a story that claimed, among other unflattering things, the former models career had been struggling until she met Donald Trump.

That follows the first ladys dollar 2.9 million over its false report in 2016 that she had worked as an escort and an unspecified settlement in 2017 with a Maryland blogger who reported similar unfounded rumors and also was forced to retract a post that Trump may have suffered a nervous breakdown after her speech at the Republican National Convention.

And the list could grow. First lady Melania Trump will continue to enforce her rights against reckless writers, reporters, editors and publishers who make false statements about her, said her attorney, Charles Harder, who has represented several high profile clients, including wrestler Hulk Hogan, who won a dollar 140 million invasion of privacy verdict against the gossip website Gawker.

In other words, when they go low, Melania Trump calls her lawyers.

Myra Gutin, a professor at Rider University who studies first ladies, says Trumps willingness to engage in legal battles is unprecedented. Every first lady came to this role, Im sure, expecting there would be a certain level of scrutiny, and tabloid reports that they probably werent going to like, she said. Some Im sure were hurtful, but there was no legal action.

Media law experts say most public officials — and by extension, their spouses — opt against lawsuits. They worry that attention from legal action would result in more readership for the specious stories.

Theres a danger that you just give more attention to the thing that you objected to, said June Besek, executive director of the Kernochan Center for Law, Media and the Arts at Columbia Law School.

Sonja West, a professor of First Amendment law at the University of Georgia Law School, added that many public figures accept unflattering and inaccurate coverage as a given.

Theres a sense that its part of the game, she said. By running for office, you are opening yourself up to public criticism, so you figure you just need to take your hits and do your job.

Melania Trump, though, appears to have adopted the same playbook her husband used for decades. Donald Trump has filed hundreds of lawsuits, including a handful of defamation claims.

He has a long history of filing defamation lawsuits that he rarely wins as a strategy, West said. For him, the goal isnt to win in the courthouse — it lets them make a very public demonstration that they object to whatever the statement was and they can cast doubt in the publics mind about whether they can trust the publication.

Melania Trumps spokeswoman, Stephanie Grisham, said the first lady wants to set the record straight. Her reasoning is pretty simple — she wont stand for people printing lies about her, she said. Its irresponsible and reckless, and media outlets should be held accountable when they choose profit over the truth.

The story that the Telegraph apologized for this weekend was a Jan. 19 excerpt from Nina Burleighs book Golden Handcuffs: The Secret History of Trumps Women, which was published in October by Simon and Schuster. The Telegraph on Saturday wrote that the article contained a number of false statements which we accept should not have been published.

Media laws in the United Kingdom make it easier for public figures to win libel and defamation suits. Neither Burleigh nor Simon and Schuster were sued, and the authors attorney sent a letter Wednesday to the Telegraph pushing back on the retraction and arguing that Burleighs article was well sourced, fact checked, and benign.

In her media litigation, Melania Trump is represented by , the same attorney who represents her husband in his legal battle with Stormy Daniels, the adult film star. Harder pursued legal action against the Daily Mail on Melania Trumps behalf in Maryland, New York, and the United Kingdom. In the lawsuit filed in New York, he claimed that the tabloid accusations had damaged Melania Trumps chances to capitalize on multimillion dollar business relationships at a time when she was one of the most photographed women in the world.

But the lawsuits are about more than just protecting the first ladys brand, said Vanity Fair writer Emily Jane Fox, who devoted a section of her book, , to the former model.

She is a fighter, and she does not let things go, she said.

Legal action against media companies are also a way for Trump to influence the narrative that surrounds her. As first lady, she doesnt have a tremendous amount of control in her life. This is not the life she signed up for or the life she wished to live, and from a human perspective, a lawsuit seems the only way to take some control over her situation, over what people are saying about her or how they are scrutinizing her, Fox said.

Melania Trump has complained about media coverage in the handful of interviews shes given since her husband took office. In December, Sean Hannity, a close ally of her husbands, asked whether she felt injured by what she described as opportunists using her familys name for their own gain.It doesnt hurt, she said. The problem is theyre writing the history, and its not correct.

For more infomation >> When they go low, Melania Trump calls her lawyers The Washington Post - Duration: 3:23.

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The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post - Duration: 2:37.

The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post

Perspective Interpretation of the news based on evidence, including data, as well as anticipating how events might unfold based on past events

On Tuesday, British Prime Minister Theresa Mayá that her party reject her own Brexit plan so she could go back to negotiations with the European Union and dismantle aná with the continent, on an impossiblyáfast timeline, during talks thatá. On every level, it is an insane way to behave. The British government is actively sabotaging the work it has spent the past two years completing and then doing a victory dance.

áThe problems all lie with something called the Irish backstop. You wouldnt know it, given how deranged the party has become about it, but it is a Conservative idea. Their problem was simple: They wanted two contradictory things. On the one hand, the Brexit campaign during the referendum promised to take back control from Brussels. That meant returning regulatory decision making to London. But on the other, it promised that everything would continue as before, with no effect on trade. That is impossible, because as soon as you take back regulatory powers, you have delays on the border with Europe.

The whole issue with the border is based on the concept of trust. In the European Union, member states share laws, courts and enforcement procedures. They know that the rules on the slaughter of cattle, the electronic components of cars or the chemical compounds in childrens toys are all the same. They can take someone to court if something goes wrong, even if theyre in another country, because they have the same institutions. This creates trust. And thats why goods cross over national borders freely, with no checks.á

That has been particularly crucial in Ireland. After years of conflict,á áin the 90s on the basis of continued cooperation between the north and south of the island. And that meant, more than anything, an open border between the Republic of Ireland in the south and British Northern Ireland in the north.

But then Brexit came and blew it all to pieces. Instead of grappling with the hard choicesáthe vote required, May pretended that Brexiteers could have everything they wanted. London wouldáof regulatory decisions. And the border with Irelandá. The fact that these two promises were incompatible was never addressed. She just kept on pretending that it was all possible and that people should have greater faith.á

There was a weird, and very un British, quasi religious undercurrent to all this Ś a sense that things would work if you just believed in them hard enough, a hatred of practical judgment and a bubbling tide of chest beating jingoistic nationalism. Brexit was a political project based on the idea that identity politics could answer technocratic questions. If the technocratic question keeps proving problematic, you just need to have more faith in your identity. It was like trying to unlock a door with a slice of bread.á

That culture has not changed since the 2016 referendum. In the past week alone, three interviews exhibited the kind of fevered puritanism that Brexit has triggered. Conservative Member of Parliament Mark Francois responded to a letter from the German CEO of Airbus, warning that the company might move its factories out of Britain, byá and saying: My father, Reginald Francois, was a D Day veteran. He never submitted to bullying by any German; neither will his son. A former trade minister, Digby Jones,á that negotiations are facing difficulties because the Remainers and especially the establishment elite have set about sabotaging Brexit. One Brexit supporteráby the BBC about warnings from retailers over supply chains insisted that it would do the country good to go without food.

For her first two years in power, May kept pace with this new political culture. She acted like everyones Brexit dreams would come true and no trade offs would ever have to be made. And then, last summer, her Brexit strategy finally acknowledged reality.

This involved the backstop. It was an insurance policy. It said that sure, Britain could look for ways to maintain an open border with Ireland while taking control of regulatory decision making. But if that failed, which it would, Northern Ireland, at least,áwould have to lock into the E.U.s regulatory infrastructure so that the E.U. would know that the rules on things like cattle slaughter, the electronic components of cars and the chemicals in childrens toys were all the same. This would allow the border to stay open, without the need for checks. In essence, it promised that if the fairy tales failed, reality would take over, on a strict timetable.

The plan was Mays baby. She negotiated it. She even demanded it be extended from Northern Ireland toáthe whole áUnited Kingdom. But it was just too much bleak practical reality for the Brexiteers. So when she brought it to the House of Commons almost three weeks ago, lawmakers smashed it into a million pieces, withá.

After sheáreeled for a couple of weeks, Tuesdayánight saw May finally regain some sort of initiative: She grabbed hold of an amendment floating around by Conservative lawmaker Graham Brady and tried to use it to her advantage.á

It was a very strange and pointless amendment. It said,áin a not legally binding manner,áthat Parliamentáwould back the Brexit deal if alternative arrangements were found for the backstop. What were these alternative arrangements? How do you promise to keep a border open while simultaneously not promising to keep a border open? Brady couldnt say. Neither could the prime minister or any other member of her government. They had no idea what they were doing. They just needed someáwords, any words, that could win majority support in the Commons. The fact that the specific words they choseámade no sense was an advantage. If the amendment had made sense, someone would have taken offense at its implications. This is the logic of fairy tale politics. The most common idea among Brexiteers is that they will use high tech solutions to remove the need for checks at the border. But the technology they are wishing for does not exist anywhere on Earth. It is science fiction.

Not only did Bradys proposition have no meaning, it was common knowledge before it was voted on that itácould not be delivered. The E.U. has closed the talks on the withdrawal agreement. It has made it quite clear that they cannot be reopened. And even if they could, the backstop átook nearly two years to negotiate. There are only two months left before Britain leaves the E.U. Thats not enough time to do whatever it was lawmakers voted for Tuesday night.

Thats what made the debate soátruly pitiful. It was a return to the world of fairy tales and hallucinations, of the kind of quasi religious nationalist politics that have fueled the Brexit project from the start. British politicians were confronted with reality and given a chance to fix the problems with Brexit instead of pretending there werent any,áand they once again fled back into mythmaking.

The country is now on the verge of disaster. On March 29, unless something is done, Britaináwill fall out the European Union without a deal.áThatáwill affect every aspect of theáeconomy. Its likely to block haulageácargoá at the border; pulverize agricultural exports; trigger shortages of food, medicine and radioactive isotopes; spark employment chaos by suddenly canceling the mutual recognition of qualifications between British and European institutions; halt the legal basis for data transfer overnight; and lead to massive and sudden flows of immigration in both directions. The list goes on and on. There is no part of society that is unaffected. And yet not only does the British political class not seem to understand the consequences of what it is doing, it is lost in populist fantasies instead of addressing the cold reality.

Britain is one of the richest and most advanced democracies in the world. It is currently locked in a room, babbling away to itself hysterically while threatening to blow its own kneecaps off. This is what nationalist populism does to a country.á

Twitter: @IanDunt

Read more fromá:

Follow our updates oná andá.á

For more infomation >> The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post - Duration: 2:37.

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US| Homeland Security IG questions ICEs oversight of detention facilities The Washington Post - Duration: 2:55.

US| Homeland Security IG questions ICEs oversight of detention facilities The Washington Post

Public and private contractors running immigration jails violated federal detention standards thousands of times in recent years — including failing to report allegations of sexual assaults and staff misconduct to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement — but were fined only twice, issued Friday.

The Department of Homeland Securitys inspector general called on ICE to improve oversight of facilities that detain roughly half the 45,000 immigrant detainees held every day across the United States, and to do a better job holding federal contractors accountable for their health and safety.

ICE defended its oversight in a letter to the Inspector General that was included in the report, and said generally it can terminate contracts or relocate immigrants if it believes facilities are unsafe.

ICE documented 14,003 violations from Oct. 1, 2015 through June 30 at 106 facilities nationwide, the report said. The fines assessed by the agency amounted to dollar 3.9 million, or 0.13 percent of the more than dollar 3 billion ICE paid to the contractors during that period.

One facility was fined after a pattern of repeat deficiencies over a 3 year period, primarily related to health care and mental health standards, the report said. Another fine followed a Labor Department order against the facility for failing to pay proper wages.

In other cases, the inspector general found, immigration officials granted waivers allowing some contractors to bypass detention standards or avoid punishment for violations. From September 2016 through July, 65 waivers were approved — most for indefinite time periods.

One waiver authorized a facility to use CS gas, or tear gas, even though it is 10 times as toxic as pepper spray.

Another allowed a facility to house detainees who had serious criminal records along with others who had minor records or only immigration violations, a practice that is normally prohibited to protect detainees who may be at risk of victimization or assault.

The inspector general said immigration officials lacked formal policies to oversee waivers and that some officials without clear authority were granting them.

Key officials admitted there are no policies, procedures, guidance documents, or instructions to explain how to review waiver requests, the report said.

The inspector general issued a series of recommendations urging ICE to shore up its oversight of detention facilities and ensure paperwork is included in contracts that will make clear when the agency should impose penalties on contractors that fail to follow federal rules.

In a letter to the inspector general that was included in the report, ICE agreed to make improvements but countered that it has taken strong steps in the past to safeguard immigrant health and safety, even shutting down some facilities because of violations.

ICE has a strong record of holding detention facilities accountable when deficiencies are identified, spokesman Matthew Bourke said in a statement.

He said the waiver process in the inspector generals report is a rarely used mechanism.

The report comes as the White House and Congress are preparing for a heated battle over detention funding, building a wall on the southern border and other aspects of President Trumps immigration crackdown. This week, Democratic lawmakers unveiled a proposal to significantly reduce ICE detention beds, require more detention facility inspections, and limit ICEs leeway to detain more immigrants than Congress allows.

As of Jan. 26, the agency was detaining an average of 45,670 immigrants a day this fiscal year, which is about 5,000 more than Congress has authorized in the budget.

The 106 facilities in the report housed an average of 25,000 immigrants a day as of fiscal year 2017. They are under ICEs direct oversight. About 100 other facilities are run by the U.S. Marshals Service and are not included in the report.

ICE contractors are required to comply with detention standards that outline their responsibilities, the services they must provide to immigrants and what each facility must do to provide a safe and secure detention environment for staff and detainees, the report said.

For more infomation >> US| Homeland Security IG questions ICEs oversight of detention facilities The Washington Post - Duration: 2:55.

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The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post - Duration: 2:37.

The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post

Perspective Interpretation of the news based on evidence, including data, as well as anticipating how events might unfold based on past events

On Tuesday, British Prime Minister Theresa Mayá that her party reject her own Brexit plan so she could go back to negotiations with the European Union and dismantle aná with the continent, on an impossiblyáfast timeline, during talks thatá. On every level, it is an insane way to behave. The British government is actively sabotaging the work it has spent the past two years completing and then doing a victory dance.

áThe problems all lie with something called the Irish backstop. You wouldnt know it, given how deranged the party has become about it, but it is a Conservative idea. Their problem was simple: They wanted two contradictory things. On the one hand, the Brexit campaign during the referendum promised to take back control from Brussels. That meant returning regulatory decision making to London. But on the other, it promised that everything would continue as before, with no effect on trade. That is impossible, because as soon as you take back regulatory powers, you have delays on the border with Europe.

The whole issue with the border is based on the concept of trust. In the European Union, member states share laws, courts and enforcement procedures. They know that the rules on the slaughter of cattle, the electronic components of cars or the chemical compounds in childrens toys are all the same. They can take someone to court if something goes wrong, even if theyre in another country, because they have the same institutions. This creates trust. And thats why goods cross over national borders freely, with no checks.á

That has been particularly crucial in Ireland. After years of conflict,á áin the 90s on the basis of continued cooperation between the north and south of the island. And that meant, more than anything, an open border between the Republic of Ireland in the south and British Northern Ireland in the north.

But then Brexit came and blew it all to pieces. Instead of grappling with the hard choicesáthe vote required, May pretended that Brexiteers could have everything they wanted. London wouldáof regulatory decisions. And the border with Irelandá. The fact that these two promises were incompatible was never addressed. She just kept on pretending that it was all possible and that people should have greater faith.á

There was a weird, and very un British, quasi religious undercurrent to all this Ś a sense that things would work if you just believed in them hard enough, a hatred of practical judgment and a bubbling tide of chest beating jingoistic nationalism. Brexit was a political project based on the idea that identity politics could answer technocratic questions. If the technocratic question keeps proving problematic, you just need to have more faith in your identity. It was like trying to unlock a door with a slice of bread.á

That culture has not changed since the 2016 referendum. In the past week alone, three interviews exhibited the kind of fevered puritanism that Brexit has triggered. Conservative Member of Parliament Mark Francois responded to a letter from the German CEO of Airbus, warning that the company might move its factories out of Britain, byá and saying: My father, Reginald Francois, was a D Day veteran. He never submitted to bullying by any German; neither will his son. A former trade minister, Digby Jones,á that negotiations are facing difficulties because the Remainers and especially the establishment elite have set about sabotaging Brexit. One Brexit supporteráby the BBC about warnings from retailers over supply chains insisted that it would do the country good to go without food.

For her first two years in power, May kept pace with this new political culture. She acted like everyones Brexit dreams would come true and no trade offs would ever have to be made. And then, last summer, her Brexit strategy finally acknowledged reality.

This involved the backstop. It was an insurance policy. It said that sure, Britain could look for ways to maintain an open border with Ireland while taking control of regulatory decision making. But if that failed, which it would, Northern Ireland, at least,áwould have to lock into the E.U.s regulatory infrastructure so that the E.U. would know that the rules on things like cattle slaughter, the electronic components of cars and the chemicals in childrens toys were all the same. This would allow the border to stay open, without the need for checks. In essence, it promised that if the fairy tales failed, reality would take over, on a strict timetable.

The plan was Mays baby. She negotiated it. She even demanded it be extended from Northern Ireland toáthe whole áUnited Kingdom. But it was just too much bleak practical reality for the Brexiteers. So when she brought it to the House of Commons almost three weeks ago, lawmakers smashed it into a million pieces, withá.

After sheáreeled for a couple of weeks, Tuesdayánight saw May finally regain some sort of initiative: She grabbed hold of an amendment floating around by Conservative lawmaker Graham Brady and tried to use it to her advantage.á

It was a very strange and pointless amendment. It said,áin a not legally binding manner,áthat Parliamentáwould back the Brexit deal if alternative arrangements were found for the backstop. What were these alternative arrangements? How do you promise to keep a border open while simultaneously not promising to keep a border open? Brady couldnt say. Neither could the prime minister or any other member of her government. They had no idea what they were doing. They just needed someáwords, any words, that could win majority support in the Commons. The fact that the specific words they choseámade no sense was an advantage. If the amendment had made sense, someone would have taken offense at its implications. This is the logic of fairy tale politics. The most common idea among Brexiteers is that they will use high tech solutions to remove the need for checks at the border. But the technology they are wishing for does not exist anywhere on Earth. It is science fiction.

Not only did Bradys proposition have no meaning, it was common knowledge before it was voted on that itácould not be delivered. The E.U. has closed the talks on the withdrawal agreement. It has made it quite clear that they cannot be reopened. And even if they could, the backstop átook nearly two years to negotiate. There are only two months left before Britain leaves the E.U. Thats not enough time to do whatever it was lawmakers voted for Tuesday night.

Thats what made the debate soátruly pitiful. It was a return to the world of fairy tales and hallucinations, of the kind of quasi religious nationalist politics that have fueled the Brexit project from the start. British politicians were confronted with reality and given a chance to fix the problems with Brexit instead of pretending there werent any,áand they once again fled back into mythmaking.

The country is now on the verge of disaster. On March 29, unless something is done, Britaináwill fall out the European Union without a deal.áThatáwill affect every aspect of theáeconomy. Its likely to block haulageácargoá at the border; pulverize agricultural exports; trigger shortages of food, medicine and radioactive isotopes; spark employment chaos by suddenly canceling the mutual recognition of qualifications between British and European institutions; halt the legal basis for data transfer overnight; and lead to massive and sudden flows of immigration in both directions. The list goes on and on. There is no part of society that is unaffected. And yet not only does the British political class not seem to understand the consequences of what it is doing, it is lost in populist fantasies instead of addressing the cold reality.

Britain is one of the richest and most advanced democracies in the world. It is currently locked in a room, babbling away to itself hysterically while threatening to blow its own kneecaps off. This is what nationalist populism does to a country.á

Twitter: @IanDunt

Read more fromá:

Follow our updates oná andá.á

For more infomation >> The collective madness behind Britains latest Brexit plan The Washington Post - Duration: 2:37.

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Wikileaks takes a swipe at the famously secretive Vatican The Washington Post - Duration: 2:11.

Wikileaks takes a swipe at the famously secretive Vatican The Washington Post

ROME — WikiLeaks, the tell anything anti secrecy organization, on Wednesday took aim at one of the worlds most secretive institutions, the Vatican, releasing a small collection of documents about a power struggle involving Pope Francis, a leading traditionalist cardinal, and a medieval Catholic order of knights.

The offered little new about a fight that two years ago was widely covered in the media. Their contents seem especially paltry at a time when the Vatican is embroiled in full fledged scandals on multiple continents. But the release represented the first time WikiLeaks has turned its spotlight on the often acrimonious internal affairs of the Holy See, and some Vatican watchers wondered whether more damaging secrets might start to escape the city states walls.

The fact itself, WikiLeaks entering the internal affairs of the Vatican, is an alarm bell, said Marco Politi, a veteran Vatican watcher. The subject itself is not interesting. These are old diatribes, old fights. But the important thing will be the next step. Will there be a subsequent WikiLeaks [release] on something not previously revealed? Should WikiLeaks pull out stuff regarding pedophilia or banking scandals, then we would be onto something new.

Though the Vatican has been burned by leaks in the past — mostly notably when a trove of confidential documents was released in 2012 with help from then — the city state is famed for its airtight hold on information, including its paperwork on cases involving sexual abuse.

A Vatican spokesman noted that WikiLeaks had previously touched on church affairs, in 2010 — but the then were cables from the U.S. Embassy, describing diplomatic relations with the Holy See. WikiLeaks Editor in Chief Kristinn Hrafnsson said Wednesday was the first time the organization released documents about the Vatican conflict between the different factions.

The documents stemmed from a knotty fight over leadership within the Knights of Malta, a sovereign Catholic order that in 2016 was found to have distributed contraceptives in some of the countries where they do charitable work. A power struggle ensued between the pope and the aristocratic order, and some observers said the tensions were exacerbated by Cardinal Raymond Burke, a papal adversary who was the Knightss liaison to the Vatican.

But by the end, the pope had prevailed, forcing the resignation of the orders grand master and installing his own apostolic delegate to the order.

WikiLeaks, describing some of the documents it released, recounted those events and said that the pope had deeply undermined the Orders independence and sovereignty. Although it was unclear who shared the documents with WikiLeaks, that framing clearly echoed critics of the pope.

Among other documents, WikiLeaks released a letter from Francis to Burke, written before the conflagration had reached its height, indicating that he was keeping watch on developments. Several journalists said the letter had been in wide circulation, though it had not been made public.

Francis has become more vulnerable to opposition, and even dissent, as his papacy has been hobbled by a series of sexual abuse related crises. The faiths leaders are divided over his handling of those crises, as well as his somewhat more permissive stance on social issues and his use of power. Last August, a former Vatican ambassador — in the most visible form of friction of Franciss papacy — of knowing about and failing to act on the alleged abuse of seminarians by then . The ambassador said Francis should resign.

Francis has not responded to the accusations. The Vatican subsequently said it was preparing necessary clarifications. The Vatican also said it was studying its own archived records of McCarrick and would eventually make known the conclusions.

But so far, the church has taken neither promised step. And the files, for now, remain secret.

Stefano Pitrelli contributed to this report.

Read more

For more infomation >> Wikileaks takes a swipe at the famously secretive Vatican The Washington Post - Duration: 2:11.

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North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:42.

For more infomation >> North Dakota sends measles team to Washington - Duration: 1:42.

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US| Homeland Security IG questions ICEs oversight of detention facilities The Washington Post - Duration: 3:40.

US| Homeland Security IG questions ICEs oversight of detention facilities The Washington Post

Public and private contractors running immigration jails violated federal detention standards thousands of times in recent years — including failing to report allegations of sexual assaults and staff misconduct to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement — but were fined only twice, issued Friday.

The Department of Homeland Securitys inspector general called on ICE to improve oversight of facilities that detain roughly half the 45,000 immigrant detainees held every day across the United States, and to do a better job holding federal contractors accountable for their health and safety.

ICE defended its oversight in a letter to the Inspector General that was included in the report, and said generally it can terminate contracts or relocate immigrants if it believes facilities are unsafe.

ICE documented 14,003 violations from Oct. 1, 2015 through June 30 at 106 facilities nationwide, the report said. The fines assessed by the agency amounted to dollar 3.9 million, or 0.13 percent of the more than dollar 3 billion ICE paid to the contractors during that period.

One facility was fined after a pattern of repeat deficiencies over a 3 year period, primarily related to health care and mental health standards, the report said. Another fine followed a Labor Department order against the facility for failing to pay proper wages.

In other cases, the inspector general found, immigration officials granted waivers allowing some contractors to bypass detention standards or avoid punishment for violations. From September 2016 through July, 65 waivers were approved — most for indefinite time periods.

One waiver authorized a facility to use CS gas, or tear gas, even though it is 10 times as toxic as pepper spray.

Another allowed a facility to house detainees who had serious criminal records along with others who had minor records or only immigration violations, a practice that is normally prohibited to protect detainees who may be at risk of victimization or assault.

The inspector general said immigration officials lacked formal policies to oversee waivers and that some officials without clear authority were granting them.

Key officials admitted there are no policies, procedures, guidance documents, or instructions to explain how to review waiver requests, the report said.

The inspector general issued a series of recommendations urging ICE to shore up its oversight of detention facilities and ensure paperwork is included in contracts that will make clear when the agency should impose penalties on contractors that fail to follow federal rules.

In a letter to the inspector general that was included in the report, ICE agreed to make improvements but countered that it has taken strong steps in the past to safeguard immigrant health and safety, even shutting down some facilities because of violations.

ICE has a strong record of holding detention facilities accountable when deficiencies are identified, spokesman Matthew Bourke said in a statement.

He said the waiver process in the inspector generals report is a rarely used mechanism.

The report comes as the White House and Congress are preparing for a heated battle over detention funding, building a wall on the southern border and other aspects of President Trumps immigration crackdown. This week, Democratic lawmakers unveiled a proposal to significantly reduce ICE detention beds, require more detention facility inspections, and limit ICEs leeway to detain more immigrants than Congress allows.

As of Jan. 26, the agency was detaining an average of 45,670 immigrants a day this fiscal year, which is about 5,000 more than Congress has authorized in the budget.

The 106 facilities in the report housed an average of 25,000 immigrants a day as of fiscal year 2017. They are under ICEs direct oversight. About 100 other facilities are run by the U.S. Marshals Service and are not included in the report.

ICE contractors are required to comply with detention standards that outline their responsibilities, the services they must provide to immigrants and what each facility must do to provide a safe and secure detention environment for staff and detainees, the report said.

For more infomation >> US| Homeland Security IG questions ICEs oversight of detention facilities The Washington Post - Duration: 3:40.

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HOT | A look at how transportation can transform a city The Washington Post - Duration: 8:24.

HOT | A look at how transportation can transform a city The Washington Post

SEATTLE — Years after the highway teardown movement helped reshape places like Boston and Seoul, this Pacific Northwest city is in the midst of a similar transformation.

On Monday, the nations first double decker traffic tunnel will open here, reaching more than 200 feet at its lowest point below the citys congested streets.

The two mile deep bore tunnel is replacing the Alaskan Way Viaduct, an unsightly, earthquake damaged elevated highway that runs along the citys picturesque waterfront.

Leaders and planners had long derided the hulking concrete eyesore that separates popular waterfront attractions such as the Seattle Aquarium and Washington State Ferries from iconic landmarks, including Pike Place Market and the Seattle Art Museum.

Now the viaducts celebrated replacement, 18 years after the Nisqually earthquake nearly brought it down, is expected not only to reorient the citys expanding skyline but finally merge its downtown with its tourist heavy waterfront.

Eight acres of new public parks, with a landscaped promenade and space for cycling and recreation, will emerge along 26 blocks from what is now the highways shadows.

When we started studying options for the viaduct replacement … we looked at the Embarcadero in San Francisco and understood what a great benefit opening up the waterfront to the public and having better access was going to be, said Paula J. Hammond, senior vice president at WSP USA, a multinational engineering and design firm.

Hammond spent 35 years with the Washington State Department of Transportation WSDOT and was transportation secretary during the early years of planning for the viaduct replacement. I think in the end, it will be just like in Boston, where visitors and residents walk along the Greenway and no one remembers all the haggling that went on, Hammond said. They love that corridor, and they love the parks and the open space, and think it was smartest thing Boston ever did.

The new Highway 99 tunnel stretches from the industrial tangle south of downtown, near one of the West Coasts biggest seaports and two major stadiums, north to where the late Microsoft co founder and philanthropist Paul Allen over the past decade transformed a sleepy neighborhood into a vibrant commercial and residential corridor, now anchored by Amazon. It is the longest road tunnel in the contiguous United States, it will carry traffic along two lanes in each direction on two levels, with a posted speed limit of 45 mph.

The dollar 3.3 billion viaduct replacement is among a number of big ticket transportation projects that will shift the way people and freight move around the region. Among them is an extension of the regions light rail system running north of Seattle and another east across the Interstate 90 floating bridge to connect high tech suburbs across Lake Washington.

The project is similar to how Marylands light rail Purple Line and phase two of the Metro Silver Line extension into Loudoun County will fill gaps in the Washington regions transportation network

Washington state permanently closed the viaduct Jan. 11, sending 90,000 vehicles a day scrambling for alternative routes. Demolition will begin shortly after the tunnel opens.

Built during the freeway construction frenzy of the 1950s as one of two north south corridors through Seattle, the viaduct is part of State Route 99, a patchwork of surface streets, freeway segments and the 3,000 foot Battery Street tunnel.

Homeless residents in tents and sleeping bags find shelter in its gritty underbelly, between the six story concrete columns and parking lots.

Mehran Sepehr, a business consultant who used to take the viaduct to his downtown offices multiple days a week, said he will miss the view it afforded from the top — the downtown skyline to the east and the expanse of Puget Sound to the west and the Olympic Mountains beyond.

I think for Seattle to be a truly great city, the viaduct had to come down, said Sepehr, who moved to Seattle in 2001, the year the Nisqually earthquake hit. This citys relationship with the water is one of its defining characteristics, and removing that artificial barrier between downtown and the waterfront will open up a whole new avenue for this city.

Among those like him who used to drive nervously across the viaducts weathered frame, residents living within earshot of its unrelenting din and confused visitors negotiating its Gotham City like underside, there are few tears being shed over the viaducts demise.

Yet deciding how to replace the downtown highway embroiled this city in more than a decade of political drama, myriad citizen forums and stakeholder groups, three advisory ballot measures and an embarrassing two year stall by a storied tunnel drilling machine called Bertha. Throughout the process, every mayor and mayoral candidate in Seattle staked out a position on replacing the viaduct and about 90 replacement proposals were put forth before then Gov. Christine Gregoire D put an end to it in 2009, announcing that the tunnel would be her pick. By then, the state had spent more than dollar 325 million.

This is not just about replacing a road, Gregoire said at a January 2009 news conference. This is about building a 21st century city.

Her motivation was safety, Gregoire said recently. I knew it was just a matter of time before Mother Nature took down both the viaduct and the 520 bridge, she said, referring to one of two floating bridges across Lake Washington.

Initially, Gregoire and state transportation planners were against a deep bore tunnel option as irresponsible and too expensive. But as the political debate raged, pressure from interest groups mounted and technology brought the cost of a tunnel within a budget officials thought was manageable.

Gregoire recalls sitting down for dinner with former British Columbia premier Gordon Campbell, who, looking out toward Elliott Bay, spotted the viaduct and inquired, What is that monstrosity?

In replacing it, she said, Well create an iconic waterfront, and everyone will look back and wonder what was wrong with us. Why didnt we do this a long time ago?

Former Seattle mayor Michael McGinn D , who won office in 2009 campaigning against the tunnel, continues to believe the state made the wrong choice.

McGinn was among a group of environmentalists who favored what he said was the more climate conscious option of expanding transit and improving surrounding streets and nearby Interstate 5 to handle spillover traffic.

McGinn points to San Franciscos Embarcadero Freeway and the New Yorks West Side Highway as successful examples of deteriorating highways that were demolished and not replaced — and not missed.

This is the new face of climate change denialism … and it runs deep in both political parties, McGinn said.

Increasingly, states and the federal government will be forced to make these kinds of transportation decisions, the former mayor said. Do we continue doubling down and expanding the highway infrastructure, or do we, when the time comes, transition to transit, biking and walking as well as walkable communities?

So Im not sure what we are celebrating here, McGinn said.

The viaduct replacement has frequently invited comparisons to Bostons infamous Big Dig, the rerouting of that citys elevated downtown highway into an underground tunnel that was plagued by design flaws, enormous cost overruns and delays.

The comparisons dogged Washington transportation officials, who early on had visited Boston and other cities to learn what went well and what did not.

The state chose a design build contract for the viaduct project, meaning the contractor, Seattle Tunnel Partners, was given creative freedom but would share in the risk of the project, which is three years behind schedule, including the two years Bertha was idle. The states dollar 3.3 billion budget, almost two thirds of it from state gas tax revenue, includes the demolition of the viaduct; rebuilding streets at the tunnels portal and a portion of the major rebuild; and expansion of Alaskan Way, the street along the waterfront and beneath the viaduct. Meanwhile, contractors have sued for up to dollar 600 million to cover delays and repairs associated with Berthas breakdown.

Beginning midyear, the tunnel will have variable rate tolls — meaning they will fluctuate depending on the time of day — ranging from dollar 1 to dollar 2.25.

Designed with fire suppression and air monitoring and ventilation to measure and reduce the levels of vehicle emissions, the Highway 99 tunnel was built to withstand a 9.0 magnitude earthquake which occur every 2,500 years, on average . A 24 hour tunnel control center will have direct lines to emergency responders.

From the window of his antique store, which he has run for the past 40 years, Ken Eubank can see beyond the columns of the viaduct to a waterfront park, the Seattle Great Wheel and out toward Elliott Bay and Puget Sound.

His Seattle Antiques Market, wedged between a storage business and Seattles only dedicated blues club, which closed on New Years Day, is among the warehouses and small businesses operating in the shadow of the viaduct.

And while, like most, he is not sorry to see the viaduct go, its removal leaves him and other nearby business owners with something of a quandary. Eubank said he will probably mothball his store during the months of demolition this spring, and he has not decided whether he will reopen.

My business plan is really good, Eubank jokes. My exit plan is terrible.

For more infomation >> HOT | A look at how transportation can transform a city The Washington Post - Duration: 8:24.

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Roger Stone Will Be Back In A Washington DC Court Friday - Duration: 0:27.

For more infomation >> Roger Stone Will Be Back In A Washington DC Court Friday - Duration: 0:27.

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US| Sorry, Howard Schultz. America already elected a centrist president. The Washington Post - Duration: 2:41.

US| Sorry, Howard Schultz. America already elected a centrist president. The Washington Post

Kristen Soltis Anderson is a Republican pollster and columnist at The Washington Examiner.

How many of you would consider yourselves fiscally more conservative but socially more liberal?

 As I travel around the country speaking to groups of business executives about public opinion and U.S. politics, I often pose that question to the audience. People look around the room, nodding approvingly, feeling validated that their worldview is shared by so many of their peers. Then I deliver the bad news. They are very much alone. And the United States already got the most viable version of a third party candidate: He just happened to run as a Republican. His name is Donald Trump.

The United States strong two party system is an oddity. Unlike the parliamentary systems in other democratic countries, where a multitude of parties present competing worldviews and build coalitions, the Democratic and Republican parties must serve as preexisting coalitions of left and right. Someone who might have fit in nicely as a member of, say, Germanys Free Democratic Party, a socially liberal free market party that won about 11 percent of the vote in the 2017 German elections, may find themselves ill served by both their choices here in the United States but with no real viable alternatives.

The result is persistent speculation, often from those same business leaders who feel their brand of classical liberalism is absent from our political scene, about a viable third party or independent candidacy. A look at the data suggests that they should be careful what they wish for.

In 2018, Lee Drutman, William A. Galston and Tod Lindberg released a paper titled , outlining the views of the large number of Americans who say they are open to a third party. While 68 percent of Americans theyd like a third party, there is no consensus around what that third party ought to be.

Among those wanting a third party, they find that about 4 in 10 opt for something further out on the fringes, either more conservative or more liberal than the Republican or Democratic parties, respectively. Only about a third yearn for something in between.

And then, of course, theres the trouble of what something in between would even look like. Should it hew closer to the Republicans or the Democrats on culture? What about on economics? For business leaders, left of center social views may pair nicely with a love of tax cuts and deficit reduction. Ordinary voters, though, dont share their tastes.

In 2017, Drutman in the 2016 election that plotted them out on a Cartesian plane, mapping respondents by their views on economic as well as cultural issues.  Trump voters tended to cluster around economically moderate, culturally conservative views. Clinton voters tended to hold views that were progressive on both economics and culture. Two quadrants remain: the social conservatives who favor more active government, and those who are fiscally conservative, socially liberal.

The quadrant housing those social conservatives who have more progressive fiscal views is well populated. In fact, it isnt hard to imagine an independent Trump candidacy in 2016 having a great deal of traction due to the number of populists up for grabs.

But those fiscally conservative social progressives? The quadrant is mostly bare. While those most equipped to self fund a presidential campaign may often fall into that ideological space, there is not an enormous number of ordinary voters who are there with them.

Drutman says the voters who do live down in that lonely part of the graph tended to be on the younger side. Maybe it is the case that as more of these young voters become activated in response to having a candidate representing their worldview, their numbers will swell. And theres no telling who Democrats will nominate in 2020 and what kind of ideological space may be up for grabs come next year.

Business leaders such as Howard Schultz often succeed by correctly gauging and shaping consumer preferences, building empires out of pumpkin spice lattes. But when it comes to politics, their instincts can deceive them. Figuring out the formula for a third party candidacy is even tougher than roasting the beans for the perfect cup of coffee.

Read more:

We are a participant in the Amazon Services LLC Associates Program, an affiliate advertising program designed to provide a means for us to earn fees by linking to Amazon.com and affiliated sites.

For more infomation >> US| Sorry, Howard Schultz. America already elected a centrist president. The Washington Post - Duration: 2:41.

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McConnell privately cautions Trump about emergency declaration on border wall The Washington Post - Duration: 5:41.

McConnell privately cautions Trump about emergency declaration on border wall The Washington Post

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell cautioned President Trump privately this week about the consequences of declaring a national emergency to build his border wall, telling him the move could trigger political blowback and divide the GOP, according to two Republicans with knowledge of the exchange.

McConnell R Ky. told Trump that Congress might end up passing a resolution disapproving the emergency declaration, the people said — which would force the president to contemplate issuing his first veto ever, in the face of opposition from his own party.

McConnell delivered the message during a face to face meeting with the president Tuesday at the White House, according to the Republicans, who requested anonymity to describe the encounter. The two men met alone and conversed with no aides present. Their meeting was not publicly announced.

The majority leaders comments to the president came amid rising GOP concerns over the fallout if Trump were to declare a national emergency that would allow him to circumvent Congress and use the military to build new stretches of wall along the U.S. Mexico border. Trump increasingly appears prepared to take that route, saying Friday that I think theres a good chance well have to do that.

Trump teased the possibility of making a definitive statement on the topic during his State of the Union address, telling reporters to watch the Tuesday speech closely. I think youll find it very exciting, the president said.

And Trump again dismissed chances that hell get the dollar 5.7 billion in wall funding he wants from a bipartisan congressional committee charged with producing a border security solution that could forestall another government shutdown. The committee is working to come up with a deal that could pass before Feb. 15, when a stopgap spending bill will expire if there is no action by Congress and Trump.

If the measure expires with no agreement, large portions of the federal government that reopened Jan. 25 after a record long funding lapse would shut down again.

We will be looking at a national emergency because I dont think anythings going to happen, Trump told reporters at the White House. I dont think Democrats want border security.

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Trump and McConnells meeting. A McConnell spokesman declined to discuss the senators private conversations.

On the same day he met with the president, McConnell publicly voiced his opposition to a national emergency declaration as he encouraged the 17 member congressional committee to find another way out of the impasse. Im for whatever works, which means avoiding a shutdown and avoiding the president feeling he should declare a national emergency, McConnell said during his weekly news conference in the Capitol.

McConnells top deputy, Sen. John Thune R S.D. , told GOP senators at a private lunch that same day that if they had issues with the presidents declaring a national emergency, they should raise them with the White House, according to one of the Republicans and another person with knowledge of Thunes comments, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe them.

The prospect of Trumps using a national emergency declaration to build his wall has divided Republicans, with a number of them expressing concerns about the precedent that such a move would set.

Sen. John Cornyn R Tex. , a top McConnell confidant, said this week that he opposes an emergency declaration, in part because of what it might embolden a future Democratic president to do.

Weve certainly tried to communicate that to him, said Cornyn, referring to Trump. And so, he understands our concerns as weve expressed them. But I dont know if he shares those same concerns.

Other Republican senators took a different view. President Trump proposed logical solutions, said Sen. Rick Scott R Fla. . If the Democrats wont negotiate with him because their judgment is clouded by their pure hatred of him, then the president needs to move forward.

Lawmakers of both parties expect that a national emergency declaration would be immediately challenged in court and would end up languishing in legal proceedings without producing quick action on the border wall that Trump long vowed Mexico would fund.

And a growing concern for Republicans — which McConnell voiced to Trump at the White House — is that they would be forced to vote on a disapproval resolution aimed at overturning the declaration, and that the resolution would pass.

That would take place under provisions of the National Emergencies Act, which provides that a presidential declaration can be terminated if lawmakers pass a joint resolution to do so. House Democrats would be likely to move swiftly to approve such a resolution, and the law provides that it would come to the Senate floor, where it would require only a majority vote to pass.

At least a half dozen Republican senators are fiercely opposed to the idea of an emergency declaration, generating enough opposition that a disapproval resolution could pass the Senate with the support of the 47 Democrats and a handful of GOP senators — the scenario about which McConnell warned Trump. Republicans expect that Trump would veto the resolution, and that the House and Senate would not be likely to muster the supermajority vote needed to override his veto.

A disapproval resolution on a presidential emergency declaration is rare, so exactly how the process would play out is uncertain. But it could expose new rifts within the GOP on Trumps signature issue of a border wall, creating a portrait of disunity that most Republicans would like to avoid.

An emergency declaration would also risk further political damage to Trump, whose disapproval rating rose significantly over the 35 day partial government shutdown as more Americans faulted the president than Democrats for the standoff.

While Trump stood on weak political ground demanding a wall that most Americans continue to oppose, an even larger majority opposes Trumps declaring a national emergency to build it.

A Washington Post ABC News poll during the shutdown found that 66 percent of Americans opposed Trumps using emergency powers to build the wall without Congresss approval, 12 percentage points higher than opposition to the wall in general. Seven in 10 independents and about 9 in 10 Democrats opposed an emergency declaration to build a wall.

Trump is lodged between the political middle and his own base, which has embraced his demand for a border wall. While Republican support for using emergency powers to build a wall was 20 points lower than for the wall overall, 67 percent of Republicans favored Trumps taking emergency action, including a majority who supported this strongly.

Facing a deadline for a compromise, House Republicans on the conference committee plan to visit the border Sunday and Monday.

The White House discussion over a national emergency declaration illustrated the dynamic that has developed between Trump and McConnell. The two speak frequently, people familiar with their conversations said, with McConnell often providing Trump with blunt details about what a certain decision or course of action could mean on Capitol Hill.

But even as they have kept in touch privately, in public their strategies have diverged. Although McConnell has warned about the perils of another shutdown or a declaration of a national emergency, Trump has dangled both as possibilities.

I think some of their goals are aligned, but the methods to get there might be different, said Sen. Richard C. Shelby R Ala. . Asked how they differ, Shelby replied, You have to ask them, but I think its pretty obvious.

Josh Dawsey, Damian Paletta, Scott Clement and John Wagner contributed to this report.

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For more infomation >> McConnell privately cautions Trump about emergency declaration on border wall The Washington Post - Duration: 5:41.

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HOT | Sorry, Howard Schultz. America already elected a centrist president. The Washington Post - Duration: 2:44.

HOT | Sorry, Howard Schultz. America already elected a centrist president. The Washington Post

Kristen Soltis Anderson is a Republican pollster and columnist at The Washington Examiner.

How many of you would consider yourselves fiscally more conservative but socially more liberal?

 As I travel around the country speaking to groups of business executives about public opinion and U.S. politics, I often pose that question to the audience. People look around the room, nodding approvingly, feeling validated that their worldview is shared by so many of their peers. Then I deliver the bad news. They are very much alone. And the United States already got the most viable version of a third party candidate: He just happened to run as a Republican. His name is Donald Trump.

The United States strong two party system is an oddity. Unlike the parliamentary systems in other democratic countries, where a multitude of parties present competing worldviews and build coalitions, the Democratic and Republican parties must serve as preexisting coalitions of left and right. Someone who might have fit in nicely as a member of, say, Germanys Free Democratic Party, a socially liberal free market party that won about 11 percent of the vote in the 2017 German elections, may find themselves ill served by both their choices here in the United States but with no real viable alternatives.

The result is persistent speculation, often from those same business leaders who feel their brand of classical liberalism is absent from our political scene, about a viable third party or independent candidacy. A look at the data suggests that they should be careful what they wish for.

In 2018, Lee Drutman, William A. Galston and Tod Lindberg released a paper titled , outlining the views of the large number of Americans who say they are open to a third party. While 68 percent of Americans theyd like a third party, there is no consensus around what that third party ought to be.

Among those wanting a third party, they find that about 4 in 10 opt for something further out on the fringes, either more conservative or more liberal than the Republican or Democratic parties, respectively. Only about a third yearn for something in between.

And then, of course, theres the trouble of what something in between would even look like. Should it hew closer to the Republicans or the Democrats on culture? What about on economics? For business leaders, left of center social views may pair nicely with a love of tax cuts and deficit reduction. Ordinary voters, though, dont share their tastes.

In 2017, Drutman in the 2016 election that plotted them out on a Cartesian plane, mapping respondents by their views on economic as well as cultural issues.  Trump voters tended to cluster around economically moderate, culturally conservative views. Clinton voters tended to hold views that were progressive on both economics and culture. Two quadrants remain: the social conservatives who favor more active government, and those who are fiscally conservative, socially liberal.

The quadrant housing those social conservatives who have more progressive fiscal views is well populated. In fact, it isnt hard to imagine an independent Trump candidacy in 2016 having a great deal of traction due to the number of populists up for grabs.

But those fiscally conservative social progressives? The quadrant is mostly bare. While those most equipped to self fund a presidential campaign may often fall into that ideological space, there is not an enormous number of ordinary voters who are there with them.

Drutman says the voters who do live down in that lonely part of the graph tended to be on the younger side. Maybe it is the case that as more of these young voters become activated in response to having a candidate representing their worldview, their numbers will swell. And theres no telling who Democrats will nominate in 2020 and what kind of ideological space may be up for grabs come next year.

Business leaders such as Howard Schultz often succeed by correctly gauging and shaping consumer preferences, building empires out of pumpkin spice lattes. But when it comes to politics, their instincts can deceive them. Figuring out the formula for a third party candidacy is even tougher than roasting the beans for the perfect cup of coffee.

Read more:

We are a participant in the Amazon Services LLC Associates Program, an affiliate advertising program designed to provide a means for us to earn fees by linking to Amazon.com and affiliated sites.

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